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ffa^^^RITUAL IN
^'"' PUEBLO ART

Hopi Life in
Hopi Painting

Byron Harvey III

MUSEUM OP THE AMERICAN INDIAN
HEYE FOUNDATION
1970

*;.' -.n^^m

Corn Kachina and Mudhead Kachina

CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE

MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN

HEYE FOUNDATION

VOL. XXIV

RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART
y{opi Life in J-lopi Painting

'By
BYRON HARVEY III

NEW YORK

MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN

HEYE FOUNDATION

1970

Library of Congress catalog card number 67-30973

Printed in Germany at J.J. Augustin, Gliickstadt

Price $10

CONTENTS

Preface v

Foreword vii

The Hopi Paintings i

Historical Review of the Project i

Analysis of the Paintings 3

Ritual in Pueblo Art : The Hopi Ceremonial 4

About the Artists 6

Description of the Paintings 9

Life Cycle and General Ritual Life 9

Birth and Early Child Care 10

Childhood 11

Youth, Courtship and Marriage 17

Daily Life 20

Social Change 25

Ritual Life 26

Ceremonial Activities 26

The Eagle Cult 32

The Salt Journey 35

More Important Ceremonies 36

The Kachina Cult 38

Unmasked (Social) Dances 44

A Hopi Legend 45

Clowning 46

Curing 50

Home Cure 51

Causes of Serious Illness 51

The Medicine Man 52

The Bone Doctor 56

Payment of Fees 58

Economic Life 59

Crops 59

Making a Piki Stone 63

Hunting 65

Basket Making 67

Other Economic Activities 69

List of Illustrations 73

Bibliography 79

ill

PREFACE

While the literature devoted to the American Indian written by non-Indians is
tremendous, accounts by native writers are rare, and most of these are in prose
form ; pictorial views of Indian life by Indians are even scarcer. Therefore, when the
possibility of securing such a visual record presented itself, the Museum reacted with
enthusiasm. Funds were secured and entrusted to the supervision of Byron Harvey
III, a Research Associate of the Museum, who had originally developed the project.

Over the two-year period, as new selections of paintings arrived, it became in-
creasingly evident that this collection offered an unparalleled opportunity to ex-
amine Hopi life as viewed through the eyes of four young Hopi men, all of whom had
lived both on and off the Reservation, and that it reflected a variety of interpreta-
tions and interests. It was obvious that this would form an invaluable corpus re-
quiring publication for permanent reference; this book is the result.

It must be emphasized that this is not an "ancient record," although it does
portray a way of life which has developed over many centuries in Arizona. This is
the contemporary United States, in which the Hopi people have been able to main-
tain an astonishing degree of cultural integrity despite tremendous pressures from
the outside. Indeed, one lesson which emerges from this entrancing document is the
fact that such differences are valuable, giving strength to all who share it. We must
treasure these differences, else we shall inhabit a gray, monochromatic world.

We are grateful to the four artists whose paintings form this volume for their
courage in proceeding with the project in the face of criticism from their fellow Hopis,
and for the devoted interest with which they worked to make this a well-balanced
document. To Mr. Harvey goes our appreciation for his persistence, and, more
importantly, for knowing just how far to go without intruding into the work itself.
Without his wisdom, the project would not have attained completion.

The interest of many friends, notably Mrs. Kathleen Harvey, and the support of
the Huntington Fund, is most cordially acknowledged. It is hoped that this volume
will further strengthen the bridge of understanding between the Indian and the
Bahana. Pas L6lomai\

Frederick J. Dockstader
Director
June 15, 1970

FOREWORD

W' ORKING with five Hopi artists was a pleasure and a challenge. So many reserva-
tion scenes famihar to the artists had never been painted by villagers that it
was possible to learn a great deal about Hopi culture in commissioning, examining
and asking questions about the paiatings. Ideas led to ideas and the paiatiugs became
a means for the artists to recall experiences and relive the past as well as record
the changing present. Suggestions contributed by them provided many cultural
practices which my several years of on- and off-reservation contact with the Hopi
had not brought to Ught.

Sometimes we did not understand each other completely. For example, a paiating
which was proposed to depict "gettiag ceremonial evergreen" unaccountably and
laughably became "everything is getting greener," a spring landscape! At times we
were exasperated, but the experience was also intensely rewarding as I learned about
areas of hfe which are not well known despite many thorough Hopi studies.

At least two and often more paintings were completed each week and brought to
me for documentation. Several later discussions covered details in each painting.
Relatives sometimes offered suggestions for topics or helped in interpreting the
activities depicted. The artists usually were given a "want Ust" of four or five subjects
so there was a certain amount of choice available. At times ideas and enthusiasm
lagged, to be balanced by sudden bursts of paiatiag and documentation. A single paint-
ing of a medicine man, for example, grew into a whole sub-series on curing and
illness, most of which is illustrated herein.

This painting project was originally inspired by the paintiags of Hopi kachinas
collected by Fewkes, and by the Isleta paintings gathered by Parsons. Each such
collection is unique, and I felt that this record of Second Mesa village Hfe would be-
come increasingly valuable as time passed.

I would like to acknowledge the interest and cooperation of the artists involved
in this project, the enthusiastic support of Dr. Frederick J. Dockstader, Director of
the Museum of the American Indian, and the assistance of my wife, Joy, throughout
the several years which have gone into this effort.

Phoenix, Arizona Byron Harvey hi

December 1969

Vll

THE HOPI PAINTINGS

ALTHOUGH many collections of American Indian paintings were gathered, especi-
ally after 1915, not many of these were systematically documented. Furthermore,
the topical emphases inherent in Indian cultures or the bias of particular artists often
combined with the special interests of collectors to limit the scientific utihty of
collections. Many areas of cultural life remained undocumented while repetitive il-
lustrations of favorite subjects added little to scientific knowledge. An attempt to
improve this situation resulted in a controlled effort to eHcit and document a series
of paintings by Hopi artists which would have a broad usefulness as an exposition
of Hopi Ufe and, where possible, belief.

The result of two years' experimentation was a corpus of 270 paintings which
were added to the collections of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foun-
dation. Of these almost exactly half reflect ritual Hfe, and ritual is further seen as
an aspect of many of the other paintings. Marshall Lomakema completed 119 water-
colors; Arlo Nuvayouma finished 100 paintings; Narron Lomayaktewa provided
13, and Leroy Kewanyama completed 14. Melvin Nuvayouma contributed 24
paintings including both realistic scenes and abstract designs.

Although the original selection of the artists was partly fortuitous, it was
possible to include members of different clans and ceremonial groups. Each of the
two principal artists had a tie to a major village ceremonial group which he at first
concealed. Unlike many successful Indian artists, both major artists were originally
well-integrated in their own society, being members of religious groups not open
to aU. Characteristically they now seem to be orienting increasingly to life in Phoenix,
Arizona, returning to the reservation for major initiations and rituals. The artists
had different rates of production, Lomakema being motivated by the piecework
rates, Nuvayouma finding a consistent individual style and slower "workman's
pace" rate of work.

Historical Review of the Project

In April of 1964 Marshall Lomakema arrived in Phoenix to look for work. As I
had a temporary hving space available I suggested that he use this until he located
his own quarters and paint a picture as rent. This initial work, "Trademarks of the
Hopi Clans," became the first of the 270 paintings comprising the Hopi project. By
November, 1964, 30 paintings by three artists were ready to be taken to the Museum
of the American Indian. There, Dr. Frederick J. Dockstader, the Director, agreed
that they were significantly different and important, and arranged financial sup-
port. No restrictions were set upon subject matter. A price was set which allowed
payment at a level above that for beginning paintings paid by the Hopi Arts and
Crafts Guild or Polacca Trading Post.

2 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

The selection of topics was by mutual agreement with frequent diversions to
maintain interest. A core of paintings was usually built up and then added to by
other artists to complete coverage of a topic. After the summer of 1965, concentration
upon curing and economics bettered the treatment of these aspects of Hopi Uf e. Where
possible the artists were given only the most general suggestions as to the specific
content of the pictures. Gestures, costuming of the subjects, or colors were never
specified. The number of people to be depicted was occasionally suggested, but vari-
ation was accepted without comment. Canvass of the Uterature and the suggestions
of viewers and experts resulted in additional topics. The commercially-rewarded
kachina genre was discouraged, but approximately half of the masked dancer
subjects which were included cast Ught on cult practice or wider meanings of the
cult. It is probable that the artists would have submitted only kachina representa-
tions if left unguided, but the point was made to them that these were readily
available in the trading posts. Lomakema periodically attempted to return to these
famihar subjects, whereas Nuvayouma, by contrast, submitted only three kachina
paintings, which were specifically agreed upon before their completion.

The criteria which guided the selection of the artists emphasized their abihty
and willingness to extend the cultural record. Breadth of treatment is not possible
without a reasonable rate of production since the corpus of paintings, however
brilliant, will remain too small for analytical treatment. If other aims were achieved
variety in composition was considered to be desirable, but Uttle attempt was made
to achieve artistic success as such. The exhibit which Nuvayouma obtained at
Heard Museum in Phoenix near the end of the project was granted him as an un-
trained artist and the critical opinion was that his innate style had not been in-
fluenced by the project. AbiUty to document the work was held to be exceedingly
important. Failure in any of the above criteria tended to Umit an artist's role in the
project, or to preclude it. A few volunteers offered their work, but either returned to
the reservation or clearly preferred to work only on familiar topics.

Both of the principal artists lived in Phoenix for long periods of time during the
two years of work. Lomakema returned to the village to Uve twice and came back,
while Nuvayouma visited the village only occasionally; both now appear to regard
Phoenix as a possible permanent home. The paintings and related work provided part
time work and an economic cushion in periods of unemplojrment and suggest a means
of bettering relocation projects ia other cities.

Rapport with both artists was good during the period of work. I had known
Lomakema casually for a number of years, while Nuvayouma is related to Otis
Polelonema, a well-known Hopi artist who has been a family friend of many years
standing. Lomakema's nearer age and the coincidence that we each had five children
tended to make social contact easier, while Nuvayouma's being ten years older made
a typically Hopi teaching relationship possible. Each artist held three jobs during the
two-year period ; working for a trailer building firm, a theater under construction, a
metal workiag firm, a hotel kitchen, and part-time construction work, the artists
gained job experience and supported their families.

It is only fair to report some straining of the original rapport at the conclusion
of the project. Economic need, personal conflicts, and the social pressures to which
the artists were exposed were all responsible. Three other artists submitted work

THE HOPI PAINTINGS 3

after the project; Lomakema's brother, Milland, in particular produced work in an
abstract vein which was of exhibition quality.

Analysis of the Paintings

Although the catalog numbers reflect the original order in which the paintings
were obtained, they have been described in this volume as they reflect the Hopi hfe
cycle and ritual, general ritual Hfe, the Kachina Cult, clowning and ciuing. Topics
emerged during the course of the research and an index was found useful in building
sub-series on various aspects of Hopi culture. Each description contains the data
obtained from the artist, from other informants who viewed the picture, together
with relevant citations of the Uterature on the Hopi. Specific corroboration of cultural
practices and native terms was particularly aided by Alexander M. Stephen's Hopi
Journal (Parsons 1936).* The descriptions themselves furnish the best idea of the
variety of data which were obtained by the ehcitation and further use of the paint-
ings as a stimulus to informants. In accordance with customary Pueblo practice, the
artists originally did not wish to be identified, since some of their work goes beyond
culturaUy sanctioned guidelines and they desired no personal prominence from their
work.

The aspects of Hopi life shown in the paintings appear in context. Economic tech-
niques tend to have ceremonial implications in Pueblo life, and these appear in some
of the paintings and data. Others of the paintings were intended to be more purely
secular or economic. To give some idea of the approach employed, by the eighth
painting, "Men Smoking in the Kiva," the artist had produced a group scene which
bore less on specific ritual than on Hopi ritual usage generally. With a hunter in
traditional dress (not illustrated), economic activity was introduced to be eventually
developed into a further treatment of hunting, the com complex and other farming,
and forms of barter or exchange. Curing and acculturation were developed later.
Although these categories were distinct in my own mind, the artists' attitude was
usually that of working on farmers, hunters, or whatever. But at times they would
outline an economic process or other activities in great detail and have a very specific
idea of what they wanted to paint, which was carefully followed out and became a
basis for planning future work. Paintings of Hopi economic Hfe especially were en-
couraged whether or not they bore upon the original theme of Ritual in Pueblo Art.

When the first 66 paintings had been completed in 1964, it was found that sHghtly
over half reflected ceremoniaHsm — the Kachina Cult, the less famiHar Eagle Hunt,
and the Salt Expedition. It was clear that ritual would have been even more pre-
dominant without planning of the series. Social interactions and economic Hfe were
felt to be of great importance for the record and both principal artists responded
with suggestions and paintings. They were aUowed to return to ceremonial topics
from time to time, whenever an interview had not resulted in a new topic or when
they found a gap in the record or in my knowledge. About a fifth of the final paint-
ings refer to economic Hfe and attest to the vaHdity of this basic category of culture

♦Throughout the balance of this work, citations from this source will be referred to
as (8:1032) instead of the usual (Stephen 1936: 1032).

4 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

as a focus for the artist's work. Hopi social interactions ishown in the paintings tend
to be expositions of the individual's role in the ceremonial cycle which is so basic to
the culture, but some 50 paintings may be regarded as referring to social Uf e primarily
as against economic or ceremonial Ufe. Very few paintings show individual activity
in this largely group-oriented culture.

Within each category there arrived a point at which further paintings became
redundant or the artist felt he had communicated his conception of the process or
cultural feature. Several economic techniques were treated in terms of four steps which
reflects the Hopi use of the number four as a favored ceremonial concept. Thus there
are actually four paintings of the rabbit hunt (#13-16), and four stages to making a
piki stone (#162-165), as well as four steps in basket making, in which gathering
wild yucca, drjdng, spHtting, and weaving were supplemented by a painting illustrat-
ing a related ritual practice. These sub-series of four furnish an example of leads
from the artists which were carefully explored. The series of paintings became useful
as a general cultural record by the time it contained some seventy paintings. With
elimination of esoteric topics or unsuccessful efforts, 20 paintings each of social,
economic, and ceremonial life permit a rapid introductory view of Hopi culture.

The principal aspects of Hopi culture as defined were ceremonial (100 paintings),
economic (56), and social (50), with the count var5dng according to the setting of
criteria. Thirty-four paintings depicting kachina dancers usually in a frontal pose did
not add to the knowledge of the culture in general, though several unusual types were
included. Twelve paintings which were abstract "design work" recorded various rain
and agricultural symbols and like the paintings of kachinas were referrable to
ritual Hfe. Of the 270 paintings, 206 may be broadly described as paintings of Hopi
people engaged in ceremonial, economic, or social activity, thus at least half reflect
the importance of ritual in Pueblo art.

Ritual in Pueblo Art : The Hopi Ceremonial

The complexity of Hopi ceremonialism made it almost an obstacle to the coverage
of other aspects of the culture. The artists' knowledge of the rehgious observances
and the requisite costuming and the tremendous visual appeal of these parts of Hopi
life furnish us with many examples of ritual in Pueblo art. Many Hopi ceremonies are
included: two women's cults, the Flute rite, as well as others which are present by
impUcation. Secret rituals were not made a special object. If we conceive of stages in
Hopi ceremoniahsm ranging through ordinary minor ritual, pubHc ceremony, ritual of
members of a restricted society, secret observances known only to society officials,
and finally highly taboo practice, we may say that the paintings only occasionally
penetrate into secret society ritual though some of the accompanying data reach more
esoteric concepts. The artists were sometimes willing to paint minor rituals of a society,
but no altars are shown, no ceremonies of investiture of officials, and no ceremonial
idols. In contrast to Parsons' Isleta Paintings (1962), the Hopi artists depicted
ordinary social hfe but generally refused to paint the ritual details shown by the Isleta
artist. Such paintings were volunteered on occasion, but never completed. I felt it
was better to hope for a soundness in the wilHngly given data, which is not always
present when the artist feels he is breaking the rules.

THE HOPI PAINTINGS 5

Thus we see Hopi ceremonial life from the point of view of the Hopi participant.
This is much more expHcit in the series than it is in the commercially-sold panoramic
paintings of Pueblo ritual which do not so often emphasize the role of the individual
in group ceremony. Wood must be gathered for use in the kiva or ceremonial chamber,
food contributed by the women, ritual offerings prepared, fetishes used. Many paintings
show the interdependence of the ceremonial and economic systems principally as food
is distributed in ceremonies and as gifts or exchanges. As in some Laguna paintings,
there is an emphasis upon preparation for ritual in contrast to the finished effect and
ritual rightness of performance in completely unsohcited paintings.

The artists, being men, illustrated a great deal of men's ceremonial activity, but
coverage of women's rituals was encouraged by their female relatives. Ritual is
recorded as private (# 54), group (many paintings), involving crafts (#18), the
hunt, curing, and the life-cycle — birth, wedding, and death. Ceremonies also relate
to social organization (# 48), discipline (# 8), clowning (#110), shrines (#52), and
racing (# 23). The picture of ceremoniahsm as a functionally complex mechanism
in Pueblo Hfe reaffirms the multiple interrelationships outlined by Parsons in Pueblo
Indian Religion.

Because many major ceremonies like the Home Dance, Snake Dance, and the
kacMna performances have been frequently painted by Fred Kabotie, Otis Polelone-
ma, and recently by Ray Naha, I encouraged paintings of minor rituals and sideHghts
of the major ceremonies. These scenes were easier for beginning artists, and the lack
of specific taboo against paintings of them allowed the artists to follow their in-
clinations. Private rituals or ritual incidents which were recorded include "washing"
a baby with ashes (# 3), naming of a newborn child (# 2), curing by ceremonial
whipping (# 83), and some 13 others. Kachina Cult functions which were depicted
include: blessing of a house (# 84), curing (# 83), symboHc fertilization, and racing
(#82). Minor rituals and ritual incidents which contrast sharply with group ritual
are: girls offering their first baskets to the sun (#18), a man invoking animal
spirits (# 54), the decoration of a slain deer (# 172), a girl being initiated by grinding
com (not illustrated), and men going after evergreen for ritual use (# 93).

The predominance of Kachina Cult representations continued consistently through
the first 100 paintings. Approximately 20 per cent of these were kachinas or
closely related subjects and the final number of these paintings remained in
virtually the same proportion. Certainly the cult functions of education, discipline,
curing and entertainment — to say nothing of the basic purpose of rain bringing —
have remained important features of Hopi Hfe.

If positively-valued cult activity and the less secret portions of ritual were wil-
lingly recorded, it was also true that those topics which were unsuitable, improper,
or otherwise unpainted reveal the boundaries of Hopi secrecy and good taste. Two
paintings violated a precept that no action may reveal the fact that the kachinas
are masked humans. One depicts unmasked dancers (# 75), while another portrays
masks ready for use (# 74). While the artist felt no objection to these paintings
being shown to Whites, he did object to their being shown to fellow Hopis. Other
paintings clearly at or over the borders of secrecy include: a painting of a shrine
(#53)> the ceremonial execution of an eagle (#69), planting ceremonial beans
(#76), and a few of the curing scenes. Equally interesting were the total re-

6 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

fusals: a representation of the burial of the eagle or one of a human burial could
not be obtained, and it has been mentioned that no altars or esoteric rituals were
recorded. A rumor was started that one of the artists had sold a portion of a secret
altar; it seemed to express the fear that the artist might have painted secret ritual.
He did not, nor was he encouraged in any way to do so.

Curing, although ostensibly secret in the New Mexican Pueblos, is under httle
specific prohibition by the Hopi. While the artists did not welcome the showing
of the slides of curing to fellow villagers, the series of 31 paintings represents an
effective sub-series depicting Pueblo curing as it is carried out by individual Hopi
doctors. The activities of the bone doctor and magician and various forms of diagnosis
and treatment were clearly recorded by the artists. Cures involving plant specifics,
shock treatment by scaring, sucking shamanism, manipulation, and divination by
crystal exempHf y another area where the paintings produced better data than my field
interviews had obtained.

The Hopi painting series, Hke its Isleta and Laguna counterparts, evidences ritual
and ceremonial Ufe to a high degree. Nevertheless, the Hopi artists were much more
eager to record ordinary family hfe than the Isleta or Laguna artists, whose detailed
records of highly tabooed rituals remain unusual. The artistic skill of a Laguna
artist and his courage in depicting certain rituals are more hke the iconoclastic record
made by the Isleta artist. The series demonstrates that Hopi artists show a wide
variety of approaches to a visual problem : primitive reahsm, symbolism, abstraction,
attempts at a sophisticated style, and often achieve success in an artistic realm.

The Pueblo artist, like any artist or craftsman, may be average or brilliant, deeply
philosophical or quite hteral, a rebel or a conformist, a rapid painter or extremely
hmited in production. He may enjoy depicting the past with nostalgia, but those
aspects of it which he selects may be motivated by his experiences, his clan and
ceremonial affiliations, his patron, the art he sees about him, or by his own personahty.
The record which he makes has the advantage of being made by a member of the
culture. The complexity of the influences upon it do not destroy its virtue of intimate
knowledge.

ABOUT THE ARTISTS

THE FIVE ARTISTS are all from Shongopovi, Second Mesa, Arizona, and have been
through the tribal initiations normally undergone by aU Hopi men. They all take
part in Hopi ceremonies and rituals and participate in kachina dances. None has
accepted Christianity. Their wives, with one exception, are members of the two
religious groups to which women of the village belong. While no artist is a chief, sev-
eral of their close relatives are.

Each artist had off-reservation school or job experience, but typically finds the
village an important focus of life. None wants to abandon traditional Hopi Ufe and
obhgations permanently ; all who have children have put them through the customary
initiations. Objections to city life seem to be felt most strongly when it interferes with
participation in village ritual hfe. Given better employment at home, all might have
remaiQed on the reservation. Life in the village is hard; jobs are few. In the city, pay
is better, but the supportive backgroimd of a whole way of Ufe is lost.

THE HOPI PAINTINGS 7

In the artists' Indian backgrounds experiences and affiliations may be found which
qualify them to depict their culture. Their contact with village life, particularly
ritual, has been sufficiently close to enable them to know it well. Also to be seen
in their backgrounds are other sources of their knowledge; such as relatives and
membership in religious societies; to this, of course, personal observation must
be added.

Leroy Kewanyama (b. 1930) is a member of the Cloud Clan and the Wiiwiichim,
Soyal and Flute Societies. Claude Kewanyama, his father, is the village chief of
Shongopovi. His mother is a member of the Antelope Society while his wife is in the
Snake Society. He has sponsored kachina dances and taken significant roles in a
number of ceremonies. Like all of the artists he has consulted medicine men on
various occasions. Kewanyama worked for a number of years at Grand Canyon,
for about a year for the Forest Service in Heber, Arizona, and has traveled to
New York. He also is an accomplished silversmith. He and his wife, Elvira, have
eight children.

Marshall Lomakema (b. 1935) is a member of the Corn and Cloud Clans. Some of
the ritual responsibilities of the Com Clan have given him knowledge of particular
ceremonies. His father is Antelope Chief, the head of the group of singers at the Snake
Dance. He is a member of the Powamii Society which requires full initiation and
also belongs to Wiiwiichim, Soyal, and Antelope, other groups with ceremonial re-
sponsibilities. His wife's father served as Kachina Chief.

Lomakema attended Shongopovi Day School, and the Hopi High School at Oraibi.
He worked at Grand Canyon iq the summers after high school. Since 1954 he has
spent most of his time in Phoenix but has regularly returned to the village to take
part in ceremonies. In town he has worked as a carpenter, craftsman, custodian
at a museum, and a variety of other jobs. In addition to painting, Lomakema makes
a number of craft items and has won prizes for his kachina dolls. He has never
claimed to be primarily an artist but has taken an interest in the making of this
record and suggested various areas of Hopi Hfe to be covered. Those Hopi, he
feels, who are fully initiated sometimes know ritual details as well or better then
fuU time village residents, especially if their uncles, the traditional teachers, have
taught them.

Narron Lomayaktewa (b. 1946), whose father is from the neighboring village of
Mishongnovi, is a member of the Snake Clan. His mother's father is the Kachina
Chief related by marriage to Lomakema. Because of his clan affiUation, Lomayaktewa
has taken part in the Snake Dance as well as in Kachina performances. His wife is
from Santo Domingo Pueblo, New Mexico. After graduating from Albuquerque In-
dian School in 1965, he was admitted to Phoenix College, but found expenses pro-
hibitive. On his return to the village he ceased participating in the painting project
but sold a few paintings to collectors. Two iQustrations which he provided depict
shrines, a possible reason for his withdrawal.

Arlo Nuvayouma (b. 1925), a member of the Antelope Clan, provided many il-
lustrations and achieved an exhibit at Heard Museum, in Phoenix, Ariz. Although a
member of the One Horn Society which has the function of selecting the village
chief, he never cited this fact or mentioned being a member of two other religious
societies. Nuvayouma's grandfather was a One Horn Chief. His wife Elizabeth

8 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

helped to provide the descriptions for many of his illustrations. Her brother, Otis
Polelonema, is a well-known Hopi painter who is also a chief. Nuvayouma attended
Shongopovi Day School and worked off the reservation in the 1950s and again from
1964 to 1969. Like Lomakema, he returns to the reservation frequently to take part
in ceremonies. He is especially noted as a clown.

Melvin Nuvayouma (b. 1946), Arlo's son, is a member of the Sun Clan and the
One Horn Society. He is fully initiated, Lomakema's brother having served as his
ceremonial father. Melvin graduated from the Phoenix Indian School in 1965.

DESCRIPTIONS OF THE PAINTINGS

LINGUISTICALLY coiTect vcrsions of many Hopi terms are given by Voegelin and
Voegelin (1957), while other terms corroborating my recordings are cited where
relevant from Stephen (1936). Where a standardized, simple orthography exists,
I have conformed to it. There are occasional variations which are the result of dialect.
Work on a Hopi lexicon is in progress by several scholars, notably Voegelin, Greene,
and Dockstader, so that considerable precision in the translation of Hopi terms will
ultimately be possible. It is felt, however, that the native translations are of interest
in that they reveal something of the connotation of the terms to the speaker. In a
number of translations it is clear that the speakers are, in fact, explaining the term.

Hopi ceremonial lore, even within a single village, is extremely complex. Alternate
versions are sometimes put forth by different clans, while seemingly endless details,
all regarded as important, plague the investigator who wishes his work to be complete.
Agreement that a painting, a story, or a description is absolutely authentic is rare.
The native critic is interested only in perfection ! Similarly, scientists have recorded
enormous segments of Hopi culture with unusual fidehty. For example, ritual events
(Stephen 1936 and others) ; dyes and dyemaking (Colt on 1965) ; and ethnobotany
(Whiting 1950), to mention only a few. The present paper offers illustrations spanning
portions of ritual and economic life and constitutes another independent record of
Hopi behef and practice.

For those readers interested in the precedent for Hopi painting, the names of Fewkes'
three artists are given by Tanner (1957:85); a Hopi painting bought by Aitken in
1912 is cited, while the careers of the well-known Hopi artists Fred Kabotie and Otis
Polelonema are discussed (i957:88ff.; 94ff.). A collection formed by Henry R. Voth
before 1912 contained one Hopi drawing [tutuhene) of a Cow Kachina, present where-
abouts unknown.

Life Cycle and General Ritual Life

(Paintings Nos. i through 46)

As the Hopi villager grows up many experiences mold him. Typical incidents in an
individual's hfe are naming rituals, disciplinary and ceremonial bathing, hunt initia-
tion, courtship and marriage. Activities of youth, middle age and old age are depicted
in the paintings of this section, most of which are by Arlo Nuvayouma. No portraits
were intended, but the Hfe of the imaginary family which he often depicted can be
followed through many of the illustrations as the members court, marry, take care of
their children, and finally grow old. In most of the paintings the thread of ritual may
be seen as it runs through Hopi life. Despite increasingly rapid change, marked
especially by the installation of electricity in 1965 (see #44), much effort is devoted
to preserving traditional life.

10 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

BIRTH AND EARLY CHILD CARE

(Paintings Nos. i through 4)

A Prenatal Examination by a Hopi Doctor

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7532 II X 141 in.

Before a villager is born his mother commonly consults a Hopi doctor, the positaka
(eye man), or tihikya (doctor). Nuvayouma depicts a visit to the medicine man for
prenatal consultation. In his childhood babies were often bom at home. He explained
the doctor's problem: "He's trying to loosen the stomach. Sometimes the little baby
was going the wrong way. He try to turn him around to the right. It's about to
be bom." The doctor's hands are placed firmly on the woman's abdomen in order to
locate the parts of the foetus. The woman's husband is present, to help and probably
to satisfy mral ethics as well.

Naming the Baby
Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7337 II X 14I in.

Only when a child is named does it have an identity by which the supernatural
powers can identify it. The baby's mother and grandmother (father's mother) take
him outside, put commeal on his face and offer a prayer. The grandmother, wearing
braids, carries the baby on her back wrapped in a shawl, and the mother foUows.
Kuivato, "going out to see the sun and offering commeal," includes this rite, which
is more specifically described by the form tungwayane. A simphfied version of the
naming prayer might be, ' This is going to be your name so you can live long. You
have the sun have first look at the child. You declare the name to the sun."

Another identification of the painting explains that for the first twenty days of a
child's Hfe neither the baby nor its relatives eat salt. At the end of this period the
restrictions are removed :

"That's the twentieth day (nafwalkuiva) . The mother and child eat salt. First they
feed the baby a little juice of a stew. . Jiqachnonova, 'baby eating,' 'feast for the baby.'
They go outside before they wash the baby and mother's hair. They dry the baby with
cornmeal numanpolo, from numani, 'commeal,' (thus: 'cornmeal rub it all over him').
Then after this the father's sister gives little blankets (pusalhoya) or little quilts
(tavufhoya)."

Two versions of the naming prayer contain the wish for long life:

"Yep e tawa i yep tiyo yan tuwati

Here sun, this (here) boy will be

Machiokyang wiyongmiok hakami kachi okangni

Named so and so towards old age his life "

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE il

and:

"Um yan machiokyang wiyongmiok ukatchi navokyangnane

You how they name it down to your old age living wishing for it happiness."

Naming ordinarily takes place at a bush near the edge of the mesa cUff, but as at
other pueblos also, naming may take place just outside the door of the home.

Washing the Baby with Ashes

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7313 9 X 12 in.

One of several ritual washings, rubbing with ashes removes lanugo, the excess skin
present at birth, and is also believed to prevent hair. Ashes from the bush suwafchoki
are said to be used, although Whiting (1950 : 62) states that juniper is used. Lomakema
explained the custom :

"They wash them with ashes so that dirty stuff when you are first-born peels off. It's
just like when you're sunburned, that skin peels off. So then they don't have any long
hair on their arms, legs, and cheeks when they do it real good."

When I observed a baby being "washed," soot from the stove was used. The aunts in
the painting are seated upon sheepskins. Kochvi is "to rub the baby with ashes."

A Boy's First Haircut

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7491 II X 14J in.

Other beliefs affect child care. For example, a boy's first haircut must be ex-
tremely close or it is beheved that the hair will not grow properly. Here a father
shears his son while the mother holds the little boy. On the wall hang a Hghtning
stick and a rattle.

CHILDHOOD
(Paintings Nos. 5 through 20)

A Scene from Hopi Family Life

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7540 II X i4i in.

"Married couple make their children happy" is another translation suppHed by
Nuvayouma for the Hopi title of this painting. The children enjoy the presents they
received at the Bean Dance. A boy carries his buffalo stick and rattle while his father
beats a drum. The responsibilities of a parent include teaching the children the
ceremonies.

12 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Children on the Family Burro

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7570 II X 14 J in.

A man and his wife give their three children a ride on a burro. The father carries
his canteen ready to take to his cornfield, and the wife feeds the burro. The human
quality of the illustration epitomizes the style developed by Nuvayouma who had a
one-man show at the Heard Museum, Phoenix, Ariz. Nevertheless, a reviewer des-
cribed him as a self-taught artist and felt that no outside influence had affected his
work appreciably. This painting was the last of those completed by Nuvayouma for
the project.

Disciplining a Child by Water-Pouring

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7338 II X 14 J in.

An example of water-pouring as a theme in Hopi culture. A song with the words
anoskai si'i wa wa (cf. also Qoyawayma 1964:6), invites people to pour water on the
bad boy so that he will say "yQs" (instead of "no"). The song indicates that the
water-pouring is planned so that when a house is visited, the women will douse the
boy. Although punishment is the aim of this particular occasion, the idea of rain-
bringing is also impUcit. In the scene, the boy's uncle, wearing a loin cloth, is car-
rying the naked boy on his back. As they stand near a doorway, a woman pours a
pan of water over the boy's head. Since this may not be enough, she also has a
bucket handy. Stephen clarifies the meaning of anoskaya by citing it as anoshkuyi
(S:i203), which clearly means "water pouring."

In a variant upon the custom, children themselves sing the song in the hot sum-
mer "when it doesn't rain for a long time," and invite the villagers to pour water
on them. The children sometimes carry each other just as the uncle carries the bad
boy in the illustration.

A Boy's Offering to Soyoko

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7315 12I X I4i in.

Traditional standards of good behavior are enforced by the kachinas. The arrival
of the ogres has changed very little from the 1890s and children are quite afraid of
them. Although this event occurs at the time of the Bean Dance, it is considered
as a separate ritual. Children must offer food to the ogres Soyoko and Atosle and
must comply with their orders or undergo various humiUating punishments. Naughty
children are forced to smoke cigarettes, run errands, and otherwise pubUcly exhibit
their bad behavior. In the illustration an awestruck boy must give his mice to
Soyoko for her food. The mice, spitted upon a yucca stalk, represent deer and are
spoken of as deer. Formerly eaten, today they are sometimes put in a shrine.

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE 13

Bathing at the Spring for Long Life

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7345 II X 14I in.

At the spring Kochatspelvi, now sheltered by a protective masonry wall, a man
bathes his son or nephew with water from a bucket. Bathing at the spring is believed
to develop manliness and strength:

"They just go out to the spring and have a nice cool bath early in the morning before
sunrise so he won't get old right away. That's how the older people do, get strong and
healthy. This man is the little boy's uncle taking him. The old people take a bath like
that every morning — that's how come they don't get old right away. That's why the
white man never believes the Indian's age; they look younger than their age."

Bathing at the spring is beheved to be part of becoming a Hopi. Another man quite
correctly pointed out that "That's the way they do in the sacred initiation four
mornings early in the morning." Bathing in the spring by initiates, however, is a
real ordeal, that is, in mid-winter the young men are expected to spend a few minutes
in the icy water as part of the Wiiwiichim ritual.

Girls Bathe at the Spring

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7472 II X 14 J in.

Three girls bathe at the spring. A Uttle girl is ashamed and modestly "doesn't care
to wash her legs," so she washes separately from the others.

Boys Practicing Archery Skills

Leroy Kewanyama
maiIrf 23/7504 II X 14 J in.

One of a small group of paintings by Leroy Kewanyama which were included
in the series. Two boys in kilts using bows given them by the kachina dancers aim
at kopochova or rabbit brush.

Playing with Tops

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7441 II X 144 in.

Three boys enjoy playing with their homemade tops. The top is first wound up on
a string attached to a stick. One boy is ready to spin his top. Another has just
done so, while the third is still winding his. The boys variously wear blue jeans, and
green and Ught blue trousers. In the background is a house on the plaza, the house

14 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

next to the Bear Clan house. The alleyway or underpass is called kiskya. Dancers
leave or enter the plaza through it. A pipe for drainage of the dance plaza runs
under it, added in 1965.

Three Hunters and Two Fires

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7329 loi X i4i in.

With the initiation or "blooding" of a boy at the rabbit hunt, the selection of a
temporary hunt chief, and the hair washing of the young hunter, the basic ceremonial
ingredients of the lore of the Pueblo Hunt Society are present. Like clowning, how-
ever, hunting seems to have lost much of its original formal organization.

The hunt sponsor is called mak mongwi, "hunt headman." The artist explained:

"At night they call out. Next morning mak mongwi gets there first and makes the fires.
The small fire is to heat up their hunting sticks. It has leaves of plants that rabbits eat
in it. After everyone gets there, the leader covers the small fire, but leaves a small hole
uncovered because if he covers the whole thing up, they won't see any rabbits. Then
they scatter out and start hunting. The big fire marks the meeting place."

The hints of magic in the use of "leaves that rabbits eat" and the behef that the
small fire must not be covered up are confirmed by the use of rabbit dung at the four
directions in the pit forming the fire's foundation (S : 1023). Similar magic rabbit hunt
fires were illustrated by the Isleta artist (Parsons 1962:249, 261), one of v/hich is a
fire "to bUnd the rabbits." Although I have the term awinta, "signal," for a large
fire made by hunters, both the artist and Stephen specify makdhi, "hunt fire," as
describing both fires on the rabbit hunt. The patterning of Pueblo esoteric terms
leads one to expect a specific term for the small fire, considering its magical significance.
Three men appear in the painting. To the left is mak mongwi, the hunt headman or
sponsor, who stands at the large signal fire. At the smaller fire, a kneeUng hunter
warms his two rabbit sticks. One is the curved piichko or flat stick (cf. also 168),
while the other is a cyHndrical muriko (S : 1255 mozriko) of teve or greasewood. The
smoke from the small fire rises onto the two sticks. A third hunter, carrying both a
flat and a round rabbit stick, is joining the others. The men wear homemade cloth
trousers and moccasins.

Initiating the Young Hunter

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7330 io| X i3i in.

This painting depicts a little-known custom. A boy has killed his first rabbit. He
selects a ceremonial father who rubs the rabbit's nose on the boy's buttocks "so
that he will be a good hunter; so that rabbits will find their way back to him."
He does this four times, once for each direction, while all the hunters shout.

"The boy has to choose one of the men. . .as his father. Then he gives that rabbit to
him. So he's the one who rubs its nose on the boy's (buttocks). They shout, yell."

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE 15

The custom is known as kurita, from kuri, "buttocks." The boy may be called
Kuritdkd, "Buttocks Man," for four days, but this nickname ends when the aunts
have washed his hair and given him a new name (cf. # 16). The ceremonial father
is seen holding the rabbit near the boy who has already dropped his blue jeans and
bent over. Two other hunters, one in cowboy dress, shout as the boy undergoes the
ritual. Not all of the younger generation are familiar with this custom.

The rabbit hunt ritual was reenacted by clowns at one of the kachina dances. One
of the kachinas had brought a rabbit. When a small boy took the rabbit, the clowns
prepared to put him through the rubbing rite. He was told to select a ceremonial
father and also required to bathe in the spring.

A Boy's First Rabbit Hunt

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7331 loj X 14 in.

Learning to hunt rabbits was a boy's first real chance to help support his family.
An initiation forms a portion of the activity. The third of four paintings depicting
the rabbit hunt shows "Going out for the hunt on the last day." The newly initiated
boy and his ceremonial father [wimna'at) prepare to go on a hunt the fourth day
after the original hunt. The ceremonial father takes on the role of the Hunt Chief
(mak mongwi). He has given the boy two painted rabbit sticks and carries sweet
commeal as food for the two hunters and also as an offering for the hawk, which is
skillful at killing rabbits. The swiftly thrown stick is likened to a hawk's wing and
its design bears related symbolism (8:99, 100).

^The boy, painted yellow, wears his kilt and necklaces. Eagle prayer feathers are
tied in his hair. Over his right shoulder and across his chest is a red cloth bandoher
(palatotorikpi) as worn by Wuwuchim initiates and certain kachinas.

Ritual Hair Washing : The Naming Rite of a Hunter

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7332 loi X 14 in.

Completing the series of four paintings of the ceremonial rabbit hunt, this illustra-
tion shows two aunts (father's sisters) washing the hair of the successful young hunter.
A pottery vessel contains rabbit stew, already being cooked on the stove. The ac-
companying explanation describes the scene:

"After the hunting is over, they start to wash his hair and name him. They use the
chochmingwo (perfect ear of com; naming ear), to wash four times over the top of his
head. They dip it in the yucca suds and put it on his head four times, then they use
their hands. Every time when they have someone initiated, they use that corn ear first
on him."

The boy's aunts may simply mention the new name they wish to assign the young
hunter or they may make a short speech, such as: "Have the name of ... . and be

l6 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

good and healthy in your Hfe." Then they instruct him to go out in the morning to
the sun and tell him the new name. The hair washing is simply referred to as "wash-
ing" as in the statement kavu itam asnaiyani, "Tomorrow we him wash." As the
father's sisters, the aunts are both members of the same clan, or may be members of
linked clans (closely related clans which do not intermarr}^) . For example, one may
belong to Rabbit Clan, the other to Tobacco. "If this lady [left] is Rabbit Clan, she
might call him Makya (Excellent Hunter); the other one might call him Piva,
(Tobacco)."

A room with vigas is shown.* The boy kneels over a pottery bowl. Having just
used the com ear as described above, the aunt on the left is washing the hunter's
hair with her hands. The other aunt waits on the right with a gourd dipper full of
water. To the left of the fireplace is a stack of rolls of piki com wafer bread. On the
wall hang red, yellow, and blue ears of com — with the white naming ear on the floor,
the colors identified by the Hopi with the four directions are included.

Hopi Children Playing at Adult Tasks

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7442 II X 14 i in.

Girls make mud piki at a mock marriage. Placing a paper over the piki stone, one
girl "grinds" the mud while another rolls the "piki." A little boy carries wood for
them to use in their work.

Offering the First Basket to the Sun

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7377 II X i4i in.

For girls, basketweaving is one of the first important lessons. Here again, ritual is
involved. When a girl completes her first basket she displays it to the sun with a
prayer that she will be a good basket maker. Baskets are placed under a bush at
the head of the trail leading down below the mesa. One girl prays by holding the
commeal to her mouth; the other has turned to run all the way to her home "so
she'll be a fast basket maker." Sometimes a girl is told to run around the kiva four
times, again so that she will be successful at basket making. The basket placed under
the bush is an offering to the Sufmamant or Sumac Girls, for Whiting (1950:84)
identifies suvi as squaw bush or sumac. By virtue of the offering the girl is beheved
to avoid sickness, especially sores.

♦Terms such as viga (Spanish for roof beam), and kiva (Hopi for the underground
ceremonial chamber), are not itahcized, as they are in wide use throughout the
Southwest,

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE 17

A Harvest Game : Smearing Corn Smut

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7455 II X 144 in.

Children enjoy a popular harvest time amusement. Among the com plants, boys
and girls chase each other and smear com smut over their victim's face or body. A
girl rubs the smut over the face of a boy in the foreground while toward the back
another boy chases a retreating girl who is only his own size and seems likely to be
caught. The smut is nanha, hence the name nanhat' aoktaita for the activity.

A Hopi Mother Dresses Her Daughter's Hair

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7397 18 X 24 in.

While her husband sits smoking, a woman dresses her daughter's hair. The oak
frame (nasdmola, cf. S:i26o nasomnuela), is not shown, as it is covered by the girl's
hair.

YOUTH, COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE
(Paintings Nos. 21 through 29)

Yahaha, a Snake Dance Game

Narron Lomayaktewa
mai/hf 23/7317 iQi X 13J in.

The game ensures plenty and takes its name from the shout of "ya-ha-ha" which
means that an object which has been carried out by a man from a store or home is
up for grabs. It is also called nuitiwa (Cf. 5:1263). Although outsiders are sometimes
encouraged to play, I was once warned that "this game is serious business." Men
exhibit scratches and bruises with great pride and it is not considered sporting to
let the women win too easily.

A man in blue jeans with a cowbell tied to his belt loop holds a com plant aloft
while a girl in a red and white mania attempts to seize it. Her mother, in the black
Pueblo dress, holds her arms outstretched and encourages her daughter. Her baby is
on her back wrapped in a shawl. The game was originally played (as depicted) with
cornstalks, melons or other produce, but it is now played with store-bought items.
At least two Hopi men commented that an authentic painting of this game ought to
show a com stalk or melon, so my attempt to have the artist depict the now more
typical box of crackers or other store-bought item was unsuccessful.

l8 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Grappling for a Watermelon

Leroy Kewanyama
mai/hf 23/7512 14 J X II in.

Another painting of the popular Snake Dance amusement. A woman and girl
grapple for a melon held by a man, the three forming an arresting group. The taunt-
ing with prizes is reciprocal between the sexes at different seasons as shown in the
following picture in which a girl holds the prize.

Racing for a Basket

Leroy Kewanyama

mai/hf 23/7511 II X 14 J in.

A girl in manta and black dress attempts to escape a man who is trying to get the
basket which she carries as a prize.

A Hopi Couple

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7362 II X 14I in.

A courting couple by Nuvayouma depicts the boy pointing down below the mesa
to show the girl how far he has had to run in a ceremonial race. She is properly
impressed. This couple appears in traditional clothing, but girls are now "ashamed"
to be seen in manias or the elaborate Hopi "butterfly" hair whorls. Fifteen years
ago these were still fairly commonly seen, now almost never. Courtship is one of the
occasions when Pueblo reticence and avoidance of boasting does not prevail. Nuvayou-
ma explains:

"At the edge of the cliff, they meet over there before the sun goes down. They're just
talking together. The boy was telling the girl (that) early in the morning he ran a race
down below."

One man defined this painting as oveknawisa, "a little courting session." Another
explained, "When I was a kid all the boys and girls would go and ovekna after a
dance." Another man caught the artist's idea exactly and said, "He's bragging about
his cornfield or something maybe to his girl friend." The subtle implications of
village gossip are easily gotten across. Puma namaningwa, "they go together," has
no special impUcations, but puma haka minamaningwa impHes that "they go some-
where unknown together," escaping the watchful villagers; the crucial implication of
intimacy is present.

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE I9

Dressing the Bride

Arlo Nuvayouma
UMJUF 23/7498 II X i4i in.

The boy's father kneels, placing the md'ongtochi or wedding shoes on the bride's
feet. Their manufacture is one of his duties. A cousin prepares to comb her hair.
The boy's mother carries the wedding robe (right) while a shawl and atoho hang on
the pole described in the next illustration. The cousin wears a print dress, but the
bride and her mother wear the Pueblo black dress.

Grinding Corn for the Wedding Ceremony

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7497 II X 14I in.

Part of the elaborate series of wedding interchanges and exchanges of visits and
work projects takes place at the groom's house. The muwitaka (mother-in-law) and
the bride (muwi) are seen together. The girl grinds com and after four days her
maiden's hair whorls are removed. On a pole above them is tsokoviki, "clown bread,"
which is like somiviki, but is named for the pointed shape which resembles the horns
of a clown. The pole {tuleta — tulethaiyi), is also used for storage in New Mexico,
especially in the northern pueblos. The mother-in-law knocks com ears together to
shell them. She wears a yellow dress, but the girl is dressed ceremonially in the
traditional costume.

The Mock Mud Fight at the Wedding Festivities

Narron Lomayaktewa
mai/hf 23/7327 10 X loi in.

The mud fight at a wedding has all the excitement of a baseball game and lasts for
several hours. In the painting two aunts rub the young bridegroom with mud and
reproach him for every possible variety of misbehavior. Anything in the past which
he has done that is memorable is described in great detail. One of the women is
hitting the groom with a stick. The artist explains:

"The women mock the groom's father: one time he got drunk and was trying to fight
with his wife and his mother-in-law and he's no good to let his son marry this girl. She
doesn't know how to cook and take care of him. She is bad looking and not worth
anything to them. They just joke and afterwards they forget all about it and there's
no hard feeling and they all eat together. The lady that's getting married serves them."

The insults are very specific, often sexual.

20 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

A Hop: Wedding Feast
Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7401 18 X 24 in.

This formal feast is muwi ep nonova, "wedding there eat." Piki, somiviki, and beans
are served. Piki is prepared on a special stone griddle (see paintings #162 -166).
Somiviki, another corn product, is wrapped in com husks.

Clan Marks Painted on the Wedding House

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7448 II X 14 J in.

In another event at the time of the chokananaiwa or "mud fight" at a wedding,
women paint their clan marks on the wall of the house where presents are brought
to the young couple. In yellow and black clay are the symbols of the Sun, Spider,
Eagle, Bear (human hands). Cloud, Com, Sun's Forehead, and Bluebird Clans. Each
aunt or other relative or participant places her marks on the wall, lending her clan's
support to the new couple. These are usually plastered over later but rarely may be
left in place. Feasting takes place in the decorated house which serves as a repository
for the many presents of flour and useful household articles which supplement the
exchanges of traditional woven garments, baskets, and other articles for ceremonial
and everyday use.

DAILY LIFE
(Paintings Nos. 30 through 43)

A Women's Barter Party

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7436 II X 14I in.

Stephen describes women's trade for basketry and supplies in Shongopovi (S:i39,
1036, 1222), and his mention of it served as a stimulus for the painting. Nuvayouma
explained: "Any lady has something. . .like a dye. She puts it up for sale (trade)
like for coffee. . .hires a man to call out." This is called huiyan chalani, "calling
out for barter or announcing trading." To the left is the woman who offers articles:
sheep fat, ashes for parching corn, yellow, green and red dyed yucca for basket mak-
ing, and sweet corn. Two women have cornmeal . . . one in a dish, the other has a bucket.
Four women are shown, two in modern clothing, two are dressed traditionally. Asked
if the trade shown was fair, the artist said that it was.

A more detailed description explains:

"They just been trading for their materials that she needs for something to work with.
This lady [second from left] has white cornmeal. She wants to trade for yellow yucca.
This is sheep fat [property of woman second from left] and this is fine ashes for soda;

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE 21

they call it kochvi . . . This center bunch [of basket materials] is soho [wild grass for
basketry bundle] and this is palatufhoni, red-dyed yucca. This one is hotomni, strong dried
sweet corn. The old lady is going to trade blue corn meal for the sweet corn."

"A lady that needs something," the artist explains, "hires a man. . .one that knows"
how to make the traditional announcement. For example, a man with a good voice
may call out: Huiyan chalaoni yapik huyanwai ovi uma pok kuivawusnu, "Trading
calling. Right here they have trading you come and see!" Any man with a strong
voice serves to replace the Crier Chief, whose post has lapsed at the village. His
more ceremonial functions, however, are filled by the Village Chief.

Food Trading

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7450 II X 14I in.

A food sale may be announced on the bulletin board of a trading post or other
center. EarUer custom may be seen when "neighbors tell someone sometimes to call
out," inferably originally the Crier Chief. The artist views the trading situation quite
specifically and suppUes many details, both of the particular scene and of the process
of trading among Hopi women :

"Two ladies are partners (nasongwam). This girl was trying to decide what she was
trying to trade for her cake {kwangwanova, 'sweet eat'). When you try to decide you
scratch your head. She wants to trade for something else. She is trying to look at those
foods. The leader used to tell them when the trade was completed, now its different.

This girl, she brought her pie to trade for a bowl of parched corn (kotoki) . Other foods
there are somiviki, doughnuts and kotokdosi, 'powdered parched corn.' They take it to
their homes. They have a big dinner."

The trading parties take place in a cycle or in a "round." The upside-down dish
indicates that the trading is in progress :

"After they all finish, the leader (mongwi) picks the bowl up and gives it to another
lady to give the next sale. This goes around. . .when it gets to the same lady, the
round of food sales is over."

A Woman Drying Peaches

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7485 18 X 23 in.

A woman is on the roof of her house which is used for laying out peaches for
drying. Her husband is feeding the family dog. Dogs are given names but usually
live outside, and are not pampered. Some are just "village dogs" and receive harsher
treatment.

22 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Building a House

Arlo Nuvayouma

mmIrf 23/7364 II X i4i in.

A man chops sandstone blocks for his house (oalalwa, "stone making"). The walls
are partly in place. Traditionally the labor was divided between the sexes and there
were ceremonial customs and prohibitions which formed an integral part of building
a house :

'A long time ago, the ladies had to fix the mud for them by hand. Sometimes they
used an old ax to make up the blocks. First they have to dig around the foundation
and they put a round cactus on each corner so the house will not get cracks. After they
make the house, in December they make a prayer stick for their new house."

As the man chops, the woman kneels and kneads the mortar. Chokalalwa, "making
mud," refers to mixing the mortar. An older man disapproved of the perfection
of the house: "It isn't really true, the way he's doing it, because if he's building
up the house, it should be rough. He's using his hands . . . This is too perfect.
The woman is all right." Whiting (1950:22) gives some of the many plants used
in construction; he does not mention the custom of placing cactus at the four comers
of the house. Since witches are said to eat cactus, it is possible that the cactus
buried at the comers of the house serves to keep them away from its occupants.

Recent objections have been expressed to stucco-type houses known somewhat
derisively as Castilki, "Spanish houses."

Washing (Plastering) the Walls

Melvin Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7458 II X 144 in.

Women put plaster (palwi) on the walls; falwi is the grey clay used for this,
sometimes mixed half and half with white clay (tuma). Palwita is "washing the
walls with palwi," Three women are shown, one holding a can of palwi. Another,
standing on a chair, plasters while the third kneads clay. Melvin Nuvayouma, Arlo's
son, completed a few paintings of village scenes, but preferred to work on designs
and finally painted several abstractions based upon traditional symbolism.

Repairing or Renewing a House

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7451 II X 14^ in.

When the artist returned to the reservation, he was caught up in the round of
daily obligations, practical and ceremonial, which form the substance of Hopi life.

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE 23

For example, he added a room to his family home. In the painting a man holds a
mason's trowel and plasters a new doorway. On the wall are a doll (Hahai), a basket
and a painting of a palm tree, an imaginary souvenir of Phoenix.

A Family Feast
Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7363 II X 14J in.

The four participants are seated side by side. Even at the modern table Hopi
seating arrangements tend to place people side by side where White custom would
place the same diners opposite each other. A number of traditional dishes are shown :
hominy and meat (nokwivi) is in two bowls. Sweet com (topovo), peaches, and
fiat unrolled piki bread may also be seen; the tamale-like articles are somiviki. A
mother, her son, the father, and a grandmother are seated upon sheepskins. The boy
wears only a loincloth. One viewer stated: "My grandmother used to eat hke this.
You don't see it very often . . . They're having a feast — piki, qomi. There should be a
lot of people." -

The closest modem equivalent is the feast following a work session, but this is
either all men or all women. "In a naiya, 'employ yourself; volunteer one's work,'
the women and men don't eat together, the working people eat first." Naaiyat ef
noneva is a "work party feast." Nonova, "eating," was given as a title for this painting
by two young men and also by a small child who looked at it.

Borrowing Coals for Laying a Fire

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7339 18 X 24 in.

Before matches were in general use, women prepared a temporary "firelog" of
shredded cedar bark arranged roughly in the form of a bird's nest, tying a string
loosely around it. In the illustration, a woman takes the cedar bark from her neighbor,
an older woman with a cane, who will be spared having to Ught her own fire. Cedar
and soksi (identified by Whiting as four o'clock), are used to start the fire. Few in-
formants identified this scene readily. An example of a response to the picture which,
though incorrect, identifies another culturally significant event is that of a young man
who explained: "There are stories about a lump of cornmeal. They give it away to
signify that the woman who is receiving it is the godmother."

Shredded or powdered cedar bark has another use as well; it is a remedy for
bedbugs. Doors and windows are closed and the smoke is believed to drive the bedbugs
away. As Whiting reports no use for Cucurbita foetedissima, the Hopi (including my
informants), appear to be unfamiliar with an Islet a practice of making a stew of
"stinking melon," spreading this everywhere and closing the house for several days,
reportedly effecting the removal of vermin.

24 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Divorce

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7473 II X 14 J in.

What Eggan (1950) described as "brittle monogamy" is exemplified. A family
conference is taking place and will result in a divorce (namatavi) . "This man," the
artist explains, "was going with another woman so that's how come they are getting
after this man. They don't want him to stay married. . . trying to get rid of in-law. . . .
He's going to leave." Traditionally the man will return to his mother's house, his
"real home."

Fighting Over a Hoe

Arlo Nuvayouma
MMln^ 23/7557 II X 14I in.

Two men struggle in a field. One claims that the other has stolen his hoe. Theft
is not common among the Hopi ; it seems possible that the gravity of theft in a small
community evoked serious punishment in former times. Asked about the punishment
given to a habitual thief, the artist and his wife simultaneously exclaimed, "Kill
him." This ostensible jest perhaps hints at a reason for the rarity of the offense.

The theme of theft was suggested; the incident of the hoe was the artist's response.

Family Meeting

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7474 II X I4i in.

Nanahim nangwatota, "relatives argue," describes the scene depicted. Specifically,
the informal litigation taking place is pasnanakasya, "arguing over a field." Again,
as in painting # 38, in-law friction is evident, for a man's planting has infringed
upon his brother-in-law's field. Repayment is to be made when the crop is gathered,
the loser of the discussion forfeiting some of his harvest.

An Old Man Visits the Doctor

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7533 II X 141 in.

Masivo or wall eye has brought an old man to the doctor. A boy, perhaps a grand-
son, has led him. The doctor uses his tohofko or wildcat fetish. He has "already got
something from his eye and is trying to get it away from it. . .to make it well."
The Hopi medicine man must remove the quill or other foreign object with which
sorcerers are believed to wound their victim. For many ailments, the doctor will

The Ritual Smoking of Chiefs (#48)

Young Men at the Shrine (#53)

LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE 25

refer his patient to the hospital. When a man becomes old and is subject to the
ailments of old age, he may relinquish his ritual position, but often he is kept on in an
advisory capacity.

A Seriously III Patient is Visited by the Doctor

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7542 II X 144 in.

A request for depiction of an illness which would be terminal resulted in Nuvayou-
ma's painting of a particular complaint. Severe cramps and abdominal distress, pos-
sibly accompanied by impaction were described as "Older people get upset stomach
and feel like to be die." The emaciation of the senile male patient is marked. The
doctor kneels, perhaps hoping to find magical causes of the severe illness. Onangtopo-
toiva or onangtopokhongva is the Hopi term for this ailment. Gastro-intestinal ailments
may be quite severe on the reservation and are a persistant cause of infant mortaUty,
as well.*

Landscape : The Hopi Country

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7563 II X 14J in.

Indian artists find that their occasional efforts at landscape are seldom rewarded,
for collectors prefer ceremonial scenes. This volunteered scene is typical in its em-
phasis on animal Hfe. A prairie dog sits up on the right, while a bush on the left
conceals a rabbit.

SOCIAL CHANGE
(Paintings Nos. 44 through 46)

The Family Buys a Television Set

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7500 II X 14I in.

With the arrival of power poles, even the older generation tended to accept new
conveniences. A family shops in town for a television set; Father prefers one model,
but Mother holds the family purse. In some Hopi homes appHances were in place for
over five years, awaiting the 1965 settlement of reUgious objections to electricity.
Change is becoming increasingly rapid. Many Hopi find television a useful aid for
children learning English.

*I am indebted to Dr. Eduardo Eidelberg of Phoenix and Lima, Peru, for his opin-
ions as to the ailments depicted.

26 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Celebrating Christmas

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7368 18 X 24 in.

Christmas was readily adopted by the Hopi, though they are less easily converted
to Christianity. The same visit allows a Hopi living in town to celebrate both Christ-
mas and prayer stick making. A family has gathered near the Christmas tree. A man
in a yellow shirt is giving a present to his friend who has put on a green shirt for the
occasion. A man's woven belt has been used as an additional decoration for the tree.
Presents under the tree include a pottery bowl and a basket. Since the evergreen
symbohzes longevity to the Hopi and trees are used in some of the Pueblo dances, it
is natural that Christmas trees became popular : ' 'Almost everybody has a Christmas
tree. This year the baseball team had a tree near the first kiva. That's how I saw
the belt on the tree." Or again, "Celebrating Christmas, that's all. To the Indian it's
a different thing, something new!"

"Water Filling"

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7431 18 X 24

This is Lomakema's "modem picture" and is intended to show acculturation rather
than ceremonial or traditional village Ufe. It was extremely hard to eUcit, the artist
preferring to depict "Indian" subjects. A man standing behind a pick-up truck uses
a siphon to fiU his water barrel from a barrel hauled from a spring or windmill. A boy
with a wagon and another boy with a wheel barrow are in the foreground. To the
right is a tractor.

Ritual Life

(Paintings Nos. 47 through 105)

Some of the activities typical of the many Hopi ceremonies appear in the fol-
lowing paintings in more detail. Hopi reHgious practice is quite complicated, but in
smoking for prayer, making offerings at shrines, and invoking the aid of magical
helpers such as the eagle, may be seen some of the basic essentials of Hopi rehgion.

CEREMONIAL ACTIVITIES
(Paintings Nos. 47 through 61)

Clan Symbols

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7300 18 X 24 in.

The major matriclans of the village (Shongopovi), are depicted (left to right, top
to bottom) : Eagle, Sun's Forehead, Sun, Fog, Snow, Snake, Cloud, Strap, Spider,
Bluebird, Parrot-Kachina, Bear, Antelope and Corn.

RITUAL LIFE 27

Every Hopi is a member of a clan, this membership descending through the mother.
The ritual and social duties of each clan are based upon happenings in the legend
recounting the discovery of the village site. For example, the Village Chief is chosen
from among the Bear Clan, while Fog, Snow or Rain Clan members are selected to
obtain sacred water. Each clan has a chief who is in charge of the clan fetish, a stone
regarded as an ancestor symbol. Some clans have become extinct and one clan has
only one male member. Lomakema omitted Rabbit and Tobacco clans which are
Unked; that is, members must marry outside both clans. Linked clans are spoken of
as nanahim, "relatives."

The Ritual Smoking of Chiefs

Marshall Lomakema
MKLJYiF 23/7324 18 X 24 in.

Two ceremonial meetings are held, reflecting the division of the year into two
ritual segments. All the chiefs, both of clans and societies, meet in winter and sum-
mer to smoke for rain. The winter meeting is held at the house of the Snow Clan
and the summer meeting at the house of the Cloud Clan. The smoking continues
for as many days as required, that is, until rain comes. In case there has been too
much rain, the chiefs smoke "for nice sunny days." They meet every night after they
come back from their fields. Smoking at a clan house is less rigidly formal than it
must be at the kiva. Stools or chairs may be used and farm clothing is worn.

The first speaker, of the Bear Clan, is the Village Chief. Lomakema describes the
scene :

"First, they pray on the commeal. They pray silently, holding the commeal to the
four directions. Then they say :

'Well, I am thinking for my side that I wish we have more rain this summer and have
a better crop in our fields and let it rain all over our fields and when the first crop comes,
let the children eat first and then we'll eat after them.

Let the grass grow and all the flowers and let the birds and butterflies have fun in the
flowers and the rabbits and deer eat the grass and be happy. And the eagles eat the
rabbits so when the time comes we'll get the eagles and pray with their feathers to all
directions and have better seasons and rain and let us all have a long life.' "

Then the next headman speaks. "He starts right away, says the same thing, maybe
a little bit different." Lomayaktewa suppUed a typical speech, more modem in its
emphasis on livestock :

"Well, I think this is the way I'm thinking. Tomorrow when the morning comes up
first, let there be a nice sunny day and let the gods then bring us good rains so that our
crops could really grow and produce what they are supposed to so that our children
will be the first to eat from the crops.

And may the grass be greener so that our livestock could eat and drink so that they be
fat in order for us to have good meat. May there always be nice and rainy days forever
and may all the people in this world of ours never be sick, be forever healthy."

28 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Each chief speaks for his own clan in the order of precedence determined by the
origin legend, but he makes no specific reference to it, since everyone knows his
authority and position. After all the clan and society chiefs have taken part, a relative
of one or another of them may be asked to speak. As a nephew, perhaps, of a clan
chief he may someday have to succeed his uncle. The first time he speaks he must
compose a prayer following the general pattern. On the floor, the smokers' equip-
ment is laid out: four pipes with reed stems, three of them in a yucca basket. A
cloth and a buckskin bag hold the tobacco. To the left of the cloth bag is a fire-log
(kopochova) , made of shredded cedar bark and used for lighting the pipes.

Making Prayer Feathers

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7367 18 X 24 in.

Prayer stick or prayer feather making in many pueblos is a part of winter solstice
ritual.

A portion of the Hopi Soyal ritual is depicted and described by the artist :

"Men in the kiva making pahos [paho, 'prayer feather, prayer stick'). First, they cut
the sticks to the same length. Then they paint it with copper paint (using a yucca
brush). When they get through with that then they start with feathers to put on that
stick. If one doesn't have any feathers, they just share them. Kivamongwi (kiva chief),
is the leader."

The man on the left is making a prayer feather, attaching it to the twisted cotton
string (pahosomtoni) . The man in the center is sharing turkey feathers with the first
man, while the third man smokes. "When they finish, they just whisper a prayer
over them." On the kiva floor are the men's feather boxes, completed prayer feathers,
and the painted willow sticks awaiting the addition of the feathers. Eagle feathers
have the power of the eagle to rise through the sky and carry the prayer message
to the gods. Turkey feathers are used when eagle feathers are not available.

Giving Prayer Feathers

Marshall Lomakema

yi.KiJYi.Y 23/7365 18 X 24 in.

After the Soyal ritual, a man carries a willow prayer stick to his sister or aunt. The
woman and her daughter are kneeling to receive it. One of the sticks may be placed
on the wall of the house, another taken to the cliff or to a shrine. Another man has
already brought the family a yucca basket of prayer feathers. The man has another
bunch of prayer feathers which is intended for the next family he will visit. Formal
exchanges are very much a part of Hopi economic life and ritual life as well.

RITUAL LIFE 29

Sun Watching (Tawangaoktaita)

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7382 18 X 24 in.

Religious officers must set the date for their particular ceremonies by watching
the sunrise. As the sun rises exactly behind a particular landmark, the time of year
for a given ritual or for planting is indicated. In this case, the Kachina Chief watches
so that he may be guided in announcing his ceremony. He will also have to consider
the availability of men who may be working in nearby towns, so that the Bean Dance,
Home Dance, and most other rituals set by him may be expected to fall on the
weekends. On the rock upon which he stands are the marks of the Bear, Kachina,
Sun, Sun's Forehead, Snow and Cloud Clans recording the visits of their members
to the spot.

Two Boys at a Shrine

Narron Lomayaktewa

mai/hf 23/7323 9 X 12 in.

Lomayaktewa depicts Somaikoli, a particular shrine at the edge of the mesa where
the hunt deities are said to live. In December boys go there to place willow prayer
sticks and offer prayers for success. "It's up to the individual what he says. . .just
like a wishing well. . .for his future, what he wants to have, to have a good time
hunting, kiU big deer, be the fastest hunter. . .live long, whenever he goes hunting
to have luck, be the fastest racer." One boy kneels inserting his prayer stick, while
another waits.

Young Men at the Shrine

Narron Lomayaktewa

mai/hf 23/7328 12J X 15I in.

Further details of the hunt shrine are given in this painting. It is among the many
visited in the Soyal ritual in December. New initiates learn the locations of shrines
which are honored and renewed or repaired as necessary. Somaikoli, the home of the
hunt deities, is quite near the village — "down by the cHffs, almost by the footpath,
a little ways down." Broken pottery lies near the shrine and when a newborn baby's
hair is washed, the bowl which has been used may be placed there. A deer skull is
shown at the shrine, and antlers and rabbit skulls may also be left as offerings :

"Someone that killed it takes it there for further success. They believe that the skull
goes back to its home; another forms in its place. The same goes for the deer antlers.
You put prayer feathers on the antlers if you want to pray on it."

The most significant item at the shrine is a pottery vessel, a large canteen :

"There are a lot of different things in there — pieces of animals, maybe a piece of stomach,
of skin, a foot (rabbit), or maybe a piece of an ear from a deer. The parts are inside
with prayer feathers."

30 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

The canteen is closed with a com cob used as a stopper. The vessel is usually kept
partly hidden "to avoid someone stepping on it or dropping a rock on it." Lomayakte-
wa did not supply the secret term which describes the vessel and ended his explana-
tion by stating:

"That's more precious than any of the items where the shrine is. It contains another world
of itself. They pay it by making prayer feathers and putting in a piece of each animal
just like an offering."

Invoking Animal Fetishes

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7387 18 X 24 in.

During Soyal ceremony men take effigies of their clan animals to the kiva. While
stone fetishes were originally used, toy animals are sometimes substituted. In the
kiva, a man kneels ready to tie a prayer feather on a miniature bear. On the same
ledge are fetishes of a bear, frog, and wildcat. Hiksona is "to give breath;" hiksonaya
also signifies "giving prayer feathers to animals." The remainder of the year the clan
fetish is kept in the home of the clan member, and protects the house.

Hopi Warriors Hiding

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7402 18 X 24 in.

Two warriors hide from the enemy in a wash. Quiver, moccasins, and the sakwa-
vitkuna or blue loin cloth are their only costume. Tu'ukam naoyi'yungwa puvat epo,
"Warriors hiding in wash there," was the artist's title for this painting. A kaletaka,
"warrior," must be brave, but tu'ukam, "army, enemy," are just men at war, perhaps
brave, perhaps not. Tovota or naqoita is "war." The war paint of the warriors is like
that worn by hunters in later years. There is a further general similarity between
the warrior's costume and the ceremonial costuming of a medicine man.

The Flute Ceremony: Obtaining Ritual Water

Leroy Kewanyama
mai/hf 23/7509 18 X 24 in.

A boy in Wuwuchim costume brings water in a sacred gourd and receives commeal
from an older man wearing a white loin cloth. This incident in the Flute ritual was
volunteered by Kewanyama who explained that Pisisvayii (Colorado River water)
is sought. The Flute Ceremony is alternated with the Snake Dance every other year
and is less often seen by visitors.

RITUAL LIFE 3I

Bear Clan Racer

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7333 12 X 9 in.

Clan members compete in a race and receive water from their aunts as depicted
in painting #58. The race for the aunts (kyananamunwa) is represented here
by a single Bear Clan racer, a boy painted Hght blue with a bear claw in black on
his chest. As he runs, his kilt and hair stream in the wind.

Bear Clan Race

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7322 12 X i4i in.

Racers of the Bear Clan, each with a bear claw painted on his chest, come to their
aunts for water at the close of the race. The racers are painted blue, yellow, and red,
three of the four colors which imply the cardinal directions. Red lines which resemble
the body painting with which clowns are painted are optional on the yellow racer.
Other clan racers would wear their own particular clan marks, such as antelope,
bluebird, etc. Kyananamunwa is the race for the aunts; nahinana impHes "for their
clan," while muwinanamunwa, "bride race," impHes that a race is run for their
sisters-in-law.

Oaqol Mana Throwing Darts

Leroy Kewanyama

UKLJYLF 23/7510 II X 14 J in.

Motovotoftima, from motovi, the Hopi corn-cob dart, is the name of the painting.
The Oaqol Mana is a feature of one of the two major women's rituals, and is seen
here throwing darts at a basket effigy.

Prayer Sticks at a Snake Dance

Narron Lomayaktewa
MAij-RY 23/7316 9 X 12 in.

Before the Snake Dance two morning races are held, one for the Antelope singers
and one for the Snake society itself. The Snake society racers, termed kaletaka,
"warrior," are costumed like the dancers. One of the warriors is placing a prayer
stick; the other holds commeal to his mouth, praying, "talking to the commeal."
Rather than at a shrine, this takes place at a bush. The Snake Dance was widely
publicized by the early 1900's; from Stephen (SisSg) we learn that 25 Whites were
present at the Walpi dance in 1889 !

32 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Men Smoking and Exchanging Kiva Terms

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7308 9 X 12 in.

Ceremonial smoking takes place in the kiva and also at the Clan houses of the
Snow and Cloud clans when the chiefs meet to smoke for rain (cf . # 48) . Men smoke
ritually on other occasions such as the eagle hunt or the deer hunt. Only the brief
sakwavitkuna is worn in the kiva. Tobacco is carried in small buckskin bags, while the
most usual pipes are made of twice-fired pottery. The orange Hopi clay becomes
quite black on the second firing.

According to Lomakema's interpretation of his painting, the man on the left is
engaged in recounting a hunting exploit while the smoker on the right is reaching for
more tobacco. A later explanation reveals more about the functioning of Hopi socio-
ceremonial organization. Each Kiva Chief may have a mongwi-songwa, ' 'the one who
Ukes the headman." According to one interpretation this man is the presumptive
successor to the Kiva Chief; according to another he is a man from a different clan
chosen as co-headman to function in case of the kiva headman's absence. Thus the
mongwi-songwa, together with the headman's nephew, the more usual successor,
provides for the occasional absence of the kiva head. Whatever the details of the role
of the mongwi-songwa, the painting represents a Kiva Chief and the mongwi-songwa
planning to put on a ceremony, "so they smoke." Once a successor to a head man is
chosen, the chief must step down from his office within four or five years.

Men smoke "for their good future and for rain, for crops." The exchange of kin
terms during smoking is described by Stephen (S:546); while Whiting (1950:39-40)
includes significant data regarding ceremonial tobacco. The addition of anise to
native tobacco, a practice at Islet a to sweeten it, is unknown at Shongopovi. Some
smokers complain that Hopi tobacco makes one dizzy and, indeed, it is extremely
strong.

THE EAGLE CULT
(Paintings Nos. 62 through 69)

Three Men Smoking at the Shrine

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7346 II X 14^ in.

The eagle hunt is a ceremonial expedition undertaken by members of a clan. Each
clan has its own eagle hunting territory which may He as far away from Hopi vil-
lages as Winslow and the Grand Canyon. Clan territories differ between the various
villages, but men of the same clan from adjoining villages sometimes hunt together.
Eagle hunting techniques have changed so slightly that traditionally-minded older
men objected to certain of the paintings.

At Kwatifkya, "Eagles, their home," a shrine located within each clan's eagle
hunting territory, three seated men smoke over prayer sticks and a basket upon which

RITUAL LIFE 33

an offering is placed. The men's farm clothing marks the picture as depicting a recent
hunt, for kilts were originally the correct costume. Nuvayouma explains: "They
have been going out for eagle hunt. After they get to the place where they hunt
eagles, they pray and smoke." The artist described a trip taken in 1962:

"We took one or two baskets. First we smoked over there. Then after we were through
with all our pipes, then we pray that we'll see at least one eagle and get to take it
home."

Prayer sticks are shown in the basket. One was offered to the sun at the beginning
of the hunt, for the sun's rays are essential to success. The illustration depicts the
three clan members seated on rocks. Two are smoking. At their feet are a denim bag
of tobacco and a yucca sifting basket containing the two prayer sticks and a small
eagle basket (kwa hota) .

Shown the picture without explanation, a young man immediately commented,
"They're blessing something." Another man reacted similarly: "They're smoking;
is that prayer feathers?" Another description provided the term mongchochongya,
"chiefs smoking," A more critical viewer said that in his clan, "Only old people
smoke, five to eight old people at our clan house. . . "

Lowering a Cloth on the Eagle

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7347 II X 14J in.

An episode in the hunt is described by Nuvayouma : ' 'And then they found that
eagle. One man was hanging that cloth to get the eagle down (from his nest). They
were trying to fly that eagle away from his nest."

Catching the Eagle
Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7348 141 X II in.

"After he gets tired he flies down to the canyon. Down in the canyon one man was
down there watching and they catch him down there by the wings."

The hunter reaches his arms out toward the eagle. Folding the eagle's wings back onto
his body, he easily subdues the tired young bird.

A Hunter Being Lowered to the Nest

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7349 18 X 24 in.

This painting was added to the eagle hunt series by Lomakema. A hunter is low-
ered by a rope sling as another hunter (upper right) calls out that the first man has

34 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

been lowered to the correct ledge. Older men objected to this picture, but since no
younger men commented especially upon the use of the sling, it is possible that fire-
fighting experience (the village has a fire-fighting team) has been profitable to the
hunters.

A Captive Eagle

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7350 II X 14 J in.

"After they catch that eagle, they come up from the canyon. They make him a
cradle board (tapu), and they tie him on that and they put it against the rock just
to rest." On the right is a burro, awaiting the load of live eagles. Placing the eagle in
a cradle board is only one of the many instances in which the eagles are treated as
human children. The cradle board is about 6x10 inches and made of flexible wood. This
painting was identified as Kwahut somiya, "Going to pack eagle up," or Kwahut
taput angsomya, "Eagle on cradle board tied."

Naming an Eagle (Washing an Eagle)

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7351 II X 14 J in.

Nuvayouma stated: "They take it to their clan home. The next morning they
wash it with mud water (kaolin in water) before they put it on the clan house roof."
A woman holds the naming ear to the eagle's head, paralleling the ritual washing
of a young hunter (cf. #16), A man kneels holding the eagle; he is possibly the
clan chief. One informant specified that the eagles struggle and that the illustration
is unreahstic. He pointed out that a braided string was used to fasten the eagle's
legs together and that they were then tied to a long stick.

Eagles with Gifts

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7309 10 X 13 in.

When the eagles have been washed, they are placed on the roof of the clan house.
Since the members of the clan often are uncertain of the sex of the eagles, they give
them presents suitable for human children of both sexes — the kachina doll as given to
girls and a small bow and arrow hke that given to boys.

The eagles are believed to take the prayers of the people through the zenith
(ahafhuchiwa, "square doorway or entranceway"), to the higher gods. The ritual
execution (cf. #69), releases them to become rain eagles (yoyivkwa, "rain eagle"),
in the sky. The eagles are said to prosper and almost never die before ritual execu-
tion, but Stephen cites a case of accidental death (S:54o).

RITUAL LIFE 35

The Execution of an Eagle

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7352 II X 14J in.

This painting was felt to be objectionable by several viewers. One man, at first
ostensibly criticizing the artistic work asked, "Why did he paint these things like
this?" The picture also brought an interesting division of opinion as to the correct
identification. Approximately half of the viewers employed the Pueblo euphemism
"sending the eagle home" (honayane) , for the ritual execution.

According to the artist, the clan chief or his nephew kneels on the bird's sternum,
holding its throat to prevent biting. According to another man, a member of the clan
who becomes specially skilled in the ritual execution carries out the ritual. Dif-
ferences in the practices of the various clans are perhaps responsible for the dis-
crepancy; however, other data state that the executioner must merely be a man
initiated into a higher ranking religious fraternity. Here the eagle has been placed
upon a rectangular area of sand. A bag contains tobacco for use after the bird has
been killed. The eagle's bow, basket, kachina doll, and miniature piki bread lie near
its head.

Although the artist was wiUing to depict the eagle's execution he would not depict
the burial and found the very thought thoroughly unpleasant. The many analogies
with funeral practice probably explain his reluctance. Parson's Isleta artist remains
unique for a Pueblo man in his willingness to depict burial (Parsons 1962). The
execution takes place the day after the Home Dance, ovekniukat epe ("day after dance,"
from ovek, "holiday" [?] and epe, "there" [cf. 8:569]).

THE SALT JOURNEY

(Paintings Nos. 70 through 71)

A Salt Expedition ; Gift for an Aunt
Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7334 18 X 24 in.

Salt getting has been infrequent since 1940, but one man went to Zuni in the early
1950's. Although the Second Mesa villagers originally traveled either to Zuni or the
Grand Canyon for salt, traditions state the original mine was located eight miles
south of the village (Shongopovi) at Hukyatwi or just below the village where an
alkaU (sionga) deposit is now found. The people's greed was believed to cause the
mine to "move" to the Zuni area.

Lomakema describes the painting :

"Early in the morning they come back from the south. They build a fire way over at
the mountain. Then they build a second one and keep coming closer. They have to stay
about two miles away from the village. They stay there one night. In the early morning,
they come over and their aunts meet them at the trail. They go after their aunts to
their aunt's house."

36 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

In the illustration, a man (left) brings salt to his aunt. He carries a handwoven bag
full of salt over his right shoulder and the short digging stick used at the mining
site. The aunt, in red and white manta, prepares to offer commeal from a small
bowl. The salt miner himself wears a black blanket and an eagle feather tied to his
hair.

Smoking over the Gift of Salt

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7335 18 X 24 in.

At the aunt's home two men smoke over the salt or "on the salt." The first man
smokes over a pile of salt while the second waits for the pipe. After smoking, the
miner will recount his adventures in getting the salt in a speech comparable to other
formal Pueblo ritual reports.

MORE IMPORTANT CEREMONIES

(Paintings Nos. 72 through 76)

The following five paintings portray sensitive aspects of Hopi ritual, but are a part
of the record. Four of them involve masking while the fifth depicts the ceremonial
growing of beans in the kiva. No artist's names will be listed for these paintings. Their
publication is solely the author's decision.

Mask Making
mai/hf 23/7358 18 X 24 in.

A skilled leather worker makes a young man's first mask. As the mask is ceremonial-
ly called ikwachi, "my friend," mask making is kwachlawo or "making a friend." The
description explains :

"This guy in the black shirt, he wants to have a mask, so he goes up to this guy and
asks him if he can make him one. So he says 'Okay, we'll do it in the kiva.' So they
went over there and he starts making it and also teaching him how to do it. So he's
sitting there saying 'What size do you want it?' The other man says, 'Maybe a little
bit bigger.'"

The projecting piece of leather at the top of the mask is the strip which holds the
top in place. A mask is traditionally prepared from buffalo hide (ikali) but as at
New Mexican pueblos, steer hide and commercial leather must most often suffice.
Two men hopefully interpreted the painting as tochlawisa, "shoe making or moc-
casin making."

RITUAL LIFE 37

Eating for the Mask
mai/hf 23/7359 18 X 24 in.

Opening the eyes and mouth of the mask is an important moment in its manufac-
ture. "They open the eyes and mouth so they feed them. The women, maybe the
wife of the maker, bring the food." Piki bread is in a basket, beans in the bowl. The
mask has only one coat of paint (white clay). They feed the mask, then they eat
after." The opening of the eyes takes on special significance because of the power
possessed by the kachinas over eyesight (cf. Earle and Kennard 1938:9). Another
statement describes the scene :

"The eyes are opened just a little bit with an ordinary knife by a man who is experienced
in fitting masks. The mouth and ear holes are opened next. When a mask is made for
the first time for a new initiate, his mother, sister or other (female) relative prepares
food for the family members to eat. The mask is taken to the kiva. Food is taken to the
kiva and all eat."

"Opening its eyes" has the double impUcation of the making of the literal opening
and of "giving it a life." Thus, poshutak nawa^'a is "he opens the eyes, giving them
food." Poshuta is "they cut the eyes out;" kwachnakwayi, "feeding a friend," also
describes the scene. A few people decHned to comment on the picture, but one ex-
plained, corroborating the data, "They bring the food really for the friend (mask);
they're eating for the mask that's being made."

Masks on the Kiva Ledge
mai/hf 23/7355 18 X 24 in.

At the Bean Dance, the masks belonging to the members of the kiva are placed
upon the kiva ledge. In the illustration masks of Ho'e, Chdveyo, Qoqle, Huhunaka,
and Sakwa Wukoktu have been arranged where initiates and spectators will see them
during the night dance. They are placed in no special order, but when many masks
are displayed the more important ones may be placed in the center. The painting
was identified as kwachmui nasongnaya, "friends resting," using the euphemism for
mask. Another man described the pictiure as kwachmui o'yiyiuma for which the same
translation was given. Two men carefully identified each mask, a normal Hopi re-
sponse, while two others spoke of kachina qoto, "kachina heads." Another identifica-
tion of the scene was Powamuitikive mihok, "Bean Dance night."

Kachina Dancers at Rest
mai/hf 23/7340 18 X 24 in.

This painting, showing the dancers without their masks, is also unsuitable and
inappropriate in native terms. It should not be shown to Hopi children for they are
theoretically not supposed to know that the dancers are masked.

38 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

After the morning dances are over, the dancers customarily rest to the south of the
kachina plaza. The place where they rest was originally only a bare area towards the
edge of the mesa, but in 1957 masonry seats and a ledge were added, using dressed
sandstone. Spoken of as "The Kachina Home," the area was Uttered with discarded
bits of mask paraphemaHa: beaks, ears, feathers too worn to be used, etc. An enor-
mous amount of such Utter was removed from various parts of the viUage refuse areas
by tractor in 1964 and again in 1965.

In the iUustration three Mak' Kachina dancers smoke and pray. Two are seated.
They are not allowed to eat until mid-afternoon, but they may sip water. They
remove their masks and place them in a row. The dancer on the right wears a hand-
kerchief aroimd his head which aids in fitting the mask and prevents undue sweating.
The costuming of the dancers is typical for Mak' Kachina : yeUow and orange body
paint, blue kachintochi (kachina moccasins), black yam leg- ties, armbands (machok-
soma), necklace, and bowguard. Pipes and a bag of tobacco Ue at the dancers' feet.
Nasongnaiyane, "rest," or kachinkivok chochongyam, "smoking at the kachina house,"
and similar descriptions identified the scene, but silence on the part of several viewers
firmly indicated their disapproval.

Planting the Beans

mai/hf 23/7381 18 X 24 in.

Tangalalwa, "digging in" or "putting beans inside," is said to refer only to beans.
Oyilalwa, "planting," was another term said to describe this Bean Dance scene. The
planting takes place in each kiva. Two men and a boy kneel to plant the beans.
Curious twin-spouted vessels of utiUty ware used to hold the beans, as coUected by
H. R. Voth at Oraibi, do not occur at Shongopovi. Most informants did not recognize
or appear to want to recognize this picture; their objections were partly artistic and
partly ceremonial. Knowledge of magical secrets relating to growth forms a major
part of Hopi ceremonial secrets. It is doubtful if any outsider wiU ever obtain any
worthwhile knowledge of the details.

THE KACHINA CULT
(Paintings Nos. 77 through 96)

The Kachina Cult embodies ritual visiting, feeding of participants and gifts of food
to the viUage, discipUne of children, curing, and house blessing. It is the many needs
which kachinas fill and the adaptabiUty of the cult which has made it survive for
so long, for the performances are enjoyed as theater as well as ceremony.

Kiva Chief and Kachina Exchanging Gifts

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7356 18 X 24 in.

"During the morning, when the Qdqdlom came, the Ho'e came to give out dolls. When
they finish, they go to the kivas. They give every kiva chief bean sprouts and they tell

RITUAL LIFE 39

him there are some more kachinas coming this evening. . .'You'll be waiting for them.
Here's the present I have so you can eat this.' Then the kiva chief asks, 'Maybe you
can dance before you go ?'"

WTien the Kachina complies, he sings amusing songs.

Ho'e and Hiihuwa "have the same mask; you can tell them by their legs" (Hiihuwa
is the Cross-leg Kachina). The gi\'ing of the bean sprouts is called nakwachlawii,
"making friends."

Ritual Feeding of Participants

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7370 18 X 24 in.

This painting is "Feeding Baholalwakamui, Feeding the prayer stick makers."
Women feed the men who are in the kiva. They just hand the food to one of the
men at the entrance. Feeding the men is a task of the women at ever}' Hopi ceremony.
The men return the favor during the women's rituals. A woman carries food wTapped
in cloth while her daughter carries a potter\' bowl.

Another man described the scene in more detail :

"During our special ceremonies, we men folks are do%\Ti in the kiva. On the fourth day,
they come along with lots of piki, pie and cake. They come up to the kiva and say
'Hawa.' They call in: 'Uma piok nonga ke tangaiotane, You come out, take it down,
eat.'"

Dance Practice Scene

Marshall Lomakema

^laj/hf 23/7380 18 X 24 in.

Men practice a song either for a kachina dance or an unmasked presentation.
Formal dance practice takes place for four ritual days in the kiva.

Borrowing for the Dance

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7366 18 X 24 in.

The man on the right is borrowing dance paraphemaha from the man on the left,
in whose storeroom the scene takes place. He has already borrowed a fox fur for use
as part of his kachina costuming and the owner is saving: "If you want this belt,
too, it's still a good one." A box of clothing is in the background. Hanging from
a pole suspended from the ceiling are bags containing ceremonial articles. The bag
in the center contains a mask. Hopi storerooms contain seemingly endless costume
suppHes; one storeroom in Mishongnovi, for example, held at least thirty pairs of
moccasins. Families may have as many as four separate storerooms.

40 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

A Kachina Pouring Water

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7319 loj X 14J in.

In an episode reflecting the disciplinary function of the Bean Dance, Heheya
gives a small boy a bath. Drawing from his own experience as a child, Lomakema
explains :

"Heheya tells him that he never took a bath in the mornings with the cold water
(at the spring). So he's giving him a bath with cold water. After the ceremony is over,
then he goes every morning to the spring to take a bath."

The Nuvi Heheya wears a cartridge belt around his sheepskin garment. His leggings
are gunnysack cloth. The marks on his legs and arms symbolize luwa, "vagina," from
these he is also known as Luwason Heheya, "vagina-liking Heheya." Stephen (8:224-
5) describes an episode in which Heheya lassos girls; the lasso is still carried by the
kachinas. Two often appear at the Bean Dance to assist in enforcing Soyoko's
commands.

A Man and a Kachina Racing

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7522 18 X 24 in.

The kachina is quite similar to a number of racers, especially Greasy Kachina
and several others. His mask is black with red circle eyes and mouth. His costume
enables him to run rapidly — green armbands and blue loincloth. This illustration
shows upright ears of com tassels (cf. Colton 1949:62, 72).

The Kokopel Mana will try to hinder the victim. Quite a large man may take the
part of a Mudhead and block any escape so that the game is "fixed" and victims
will be caught for sure. This kachina, regarded as the most impleasant of the racers,
will rub excrement on his captive.

Whipping for Curing

Marshall Lomakema

uaiIkf 23/7354 18 X 24 in.

A woman tells her children that she has decided to ask Wupamo's help for her
sickness. "I'm going to pray through him," she announces. Walking up to the kachina
impersonator and giving him commeal, she says :

"You take this and you whip me and I'll be better. Because of this inside me, I've
been sick and don't feel well for so many days. If you whip me, I'll feel better again."

Although Parsons remarks, speaking of Hopi kachinas, that "the curing aspect has
been kept esoteric, away from Whites" (8:350), this appHes only to casual observers.
The jurisdiction of kachinas over eye disease is fairly expHcit, as is their power over
infertility.

Gathering Evergreens (#93)

RITUAL LIFE 41

Ritual Blessing of a House

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7369 18 X 24 in.

An additional ritual part of Soyal is depicted. "The day after baholawu, "prayer
feather making {ci. ^ 4g), Ahola comes over to the house." The man of the house
speaks to the kachina who merely gestures. "What are you doing around here?"
The kachina indicates, "Well, I've come over to make a house for you." "Thank
you," is the reply and then Ahola goes over to the house and makes four stripes
with commeal. Following Ahola, Ahola Mana carries seeds of various types from the
fields of the Kachina Chief. The artist defined the marking of the house simply as
penta, "paints or marks," agreeing with Stephen's record (8:1192).

Ahola Wotaka, "Old Man Ahola," was described by another viewer:

"Ahola is the first one that comes in February. He wobbles around because he was just
wakened and after he goes home Soyal Kachina comes in and after that they all get
strong and they can run around. They come to the headman of the kiva and he prays
to Ahola and Aholmana."

Two Kachinas and a Hopi Policeman

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7379 18 X 24 in.

Since the kachinas served partially to discipline the Hopi pubHc, they sometimes
conflict with newer forms of authority. Reservation poHce supervise the crowds at
weekend dances, checking for liquor violations and sometimes directing the parking of
the visitors' cars. At one Bean Dance, the kachinas forced a policeman to leave.
Lomakema explains :

"They had a Bean Dance at our village and at this certain time when He'e'e goes up
on the roof whirling her quiver (hotnga) these kachinas get mad and they chase every-
body into the houses. They have secret things to do; nobody wants to see them. This
poUceman tried to help them to chase the people away and the kachinas didn't want
him to help them, so they chased him away, too."

The "secret things" include the planting of prayer sticks at a shrine near the plaza.
The kachinas crowd around the shrine to conceal the activity, while the various
whippers strike the windows of the houses as a warning to the people not to look.

To the left is a blue-masked Hilili. The Snake Kachina, Chu Kachina or Sitinini, is
next, holding out his yucca whips as the poHceman escapes the scene. This incident
was planned ahead of time and dramatized previous critical murmurings about the
unwanted activities of the poHce at the dances. A similar incident occured when a
pohceman received the amorous attentions of Kokopel Mana. As an Indian he had
to permit this privilege to the kachina, but felt he should remove his badge and
side-arm first.

42 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Burro Kachina Dance

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7423 18 X 24 in.

Presented some years ago as a dance. Burro Kachinas appeared in the plaza, some
with saddles on their backs. The song stated:

"We are the famous burros. During the winter we used to haul coal and in the summer,
we took men to their cornfields. . .but now when the people see us, they just chase us
away from the house."

Two burros with pack saddles are seen; one with a grey mask, one black. Ho'e
Kachina stands to the left. Each Burro Kachina has a staff and the atoho or woman's
robe worn as a kilt, both attributes of many animal kachinas. A brief chorus at the
end of the regular dance song mocks the noise ("ruk, ruk"), made by an old burro
bearing a heavy load.

The Mudhead Magician

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7341 24 X 18 in.

As the Mudhead gestures and sings, com appears to grow magically from the
floor. Ears of com, one in each directional color, rise from a painted box, perhaps by
means of strings, perhaps by some other device. It is no wonder that the trick is
known as the Mudhead guessing game [mamaslalwa, "guessing"). Another descrip-
tion of the painting was Powak Koyemsi nanavo'd, "Magician Mudhead playing a
game." Wichilawu, "playing tricks," was another verb elicited by the painting,
derived from wochi, "something artificial." Powaka impHes a magician, "evil or
good." The Mudhead sings a special song composed for the occasion.

Wolf and Cow Kachinas

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7468 II X 14I in.

Wolf Kachina appears as a side-dancer at a Cow Kachina line dance to "guard"
the Cows from predators. Brown-and- white and black-and-white Cow variants are
depicted. The staffs represent the animals' forelegs.

Corn Kachina and Mudhead Kachina

Leroy Kewanyama
mai/hf 23/7518 18 X 24 in.

These are two popular kachinas which often appear in unsoUcited drawings. The
Mudhead may make amusing speeches, unhke most kachinas, while the Corn Kachina
represents the most important crop of the Hopi.

RITUAL LIFE 43

Corn Kachina Dance at Easter Time

Marshall Lomakema

MAIJUF 23/7417 18 X 24 in.

Three variants of the Com Kachina are shown. In this dance the kachinas are
"not the same," that is, each dancer impersonates a sUghtly different variant. One
mask in the picture, for example, is yellow, another blue and brown, another blue
with minor differences. All the dancers carried evergreen. At the dance Easter eggs
were given out.

Corn Kachina

Narron Lomayaktewa

maiIkf 23/7410 9 X ii| in.

Lomayziktewa appeared as this Com Kachina variant at an Easter kachina dance
in 1965 (cf. #90). Although the variants at the dance closely resemble those
known for Laguna, these are claimed as truly Hopi. They take their name Yowi'a
(plural Yowi'am), from the word which begins their song. At the top of the mask are
black and white stripes. The left portion of the divided mask is pink; the right, blue.
A yellow Hghtning element is placed between. Evergreen ruff, pink body paint with
white rings, and a Zuni kilt complete the costuming.

Owl and Rattle Kachinas

Melvin Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7461 18 X 24 in.

The artist is a member of the Sun Clan and adds the sun to the rain clouds which
are found appropriate to masked kachina dancers by Fewkes' artist and many other
Pueblo painters.

Gathering Evergreens

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7475 II X 144 in.

On the ritual trip to gather evergreen branches for kachina costuming, men
smoke and pray for rain. Evergreen is taken from the San Francisco Mountains near
Flagstaff, Arizona. At a sacred spring signs of the real kachinas may be seen.
Ancient pictographs are sometimes said to be their fingerprints made on the wall of
the spring as the spirits emerge.

44 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Cleaning the Ash Pit

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7433 II X 141 in.

Part of the mjrthical journey of the Qoqlom (Qoqolo Kachinas) is depicted in paint-
ings #94 and # 95. The artist was at first unwilling to paint a portion of the
journey: "I'm afraid to paint those Qoqlom. . ." and wanted to substitute two men
roasting com. To justify his objections a minor car accident occurred quite close to
the time of completion of the paintings.

The kachinas, at their m}i:hical home near Pinon, Arizona, clean out the roasting
pit, ko'isi: "They clean it and bum wood, teve (greasewood) , and siwafko (sumac;
cf. Whiting 1950). B\iild a fire."

To the center is the bottle-shaped pit; the kacliinas' com field is to the upper right.
A Qoqle bends over the pit, the other must be imagined to be in the roasting pit.

Kachinas Roasting S\veet Corn

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7434 II X 14J in.

Part of the legendary kachina journey of the Qoqlom which is re-enacted annually
is depicted by Nuvayouma. To the left is the pit. The two kachinas have their bags
of com; one of them has dumped his buckskin bag out on the ground. The birdskins
attached to their masks are from birds caught when the heavy rains make it im-
possible for them to fly; a brown bird, bluebird, and parrot may be seen.

Qoqlom Dancing with Sweet Corn

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 22,17 AA^ II X 144 ^•

After the two kachinas arrive in the village, they dance, carrying the sweet com
they will give away. They wear their robes of buckskin.

UNMASKED (SOCIAL) DANCES
(Paintings Nos. 97 through 100)

Buffalo Dance

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7486 18 X 23 in.

Unmasked or social dances sometimes resemble related kachina dances. In this
example a drummer and two singers provide the music for a clown, a buffalo dancer,
and a girl. This is a men's dance.

RITUAL LIFE 45

Unmasked Elk Dance

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7430 18 X 24 in.

The girls closely resemble the participants in the Buffalo Dance, but do not wear
a Sun plaque on the back. A single vertical red line on the cheek, wedding belt,
black dress, boots and two feathers in the hands are features of their costuming.
The man has a kilt, standard body paint, blue gourd horns, chevron over the nose,
and a red sash.

Laguna Eagle Dance

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7353 II X 14 J in.

This dance is held as an interlude at the Butterfly Dance, for example, as at
Mishongnovi during the summer of 1964. "Hopak Kwahu, Eastern Eagle (Dance)," is
the Hopi name. It is one of a number of dances which can be performed either
commercially or on the reservation. While the first figure is the Laguna Eagle dancer,
the second figure, equivalent to the hunter in New Mexican pueblo dances, is said to
be either a Comanche commercial dancer introduced by Laguna at Gallup or a "Kiowa
singer." Another man points out that all the Pueblo eagle dances are the same type
of dance, and are "all for rain." Kwative is eagle dance; kwawunima, "eagle dancer."
In one example, the eagle helmet is of cotton over a framework of metal screen with
a beak of cottonwood.

100

Butterfly Dance

Marshall Lomakema

UAijUF 23/7429 18 X 24 in.

The man, Palhiktiyo, "Butterfly Boy," wears a kilt, standard body paint, sash,
fox fur in back, flower headdress as worn by the Flute Kachina {nakwa, "flower"),
a back tablet, and carries the standard called talavaya, "morning." The girls have
headdresses, rain elements on their cheeks, black dresses, white belts, and kilts worn
as blouses.

A HOPI LEGEND: THE BOY WHO BECAME AN OWL
(Paintings Nos. loi through 105)

101

The Boy Misbehaves

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7393 II X 14 J in.

"What do bad Hopi boys do?" "Poking into Father's weaving," is the artist's
answer. The boy has a long stick with which he interrupts his father working at a
belt loom. The mother prepares to stop him, while the father, unconcerned, weaves on.

46 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

102

The Mother's Warning

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7390 II X I4i in.

The naughty boy is warned by his mother that he must behave or the owl will get
him and peck out his eyes. The crying child sits at the threshhold while the owl waits
in a tree.

103

Getting on the Owl's Back

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7391 II X 14I in.

"In the night the owl comes. The boy thinks it might be a godfather or an uncle
asking him to go on an errand so he cUmbs on the owl's back." This scene is mongwo
koyvisat o'oyi, "owl bad boy steals."

104

Changing into an Owl

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7392 14J X II in.

At the owl's cave (mongwofso) , the boy's parents go to the owl's nest, but it is
too late ; the owl will not release the boy. Sitting in the nest, he is already changing
into an owl. Feathers have begun to grow and the father's request for the return of
his son is refused. The mother is crying. The tragic scene is pai mongwo napala,
"owl beginning to be." Napala is also used for "to catch a disease." Anniu'iuma
is "changing" in the sense of "Httle boy turning into owl."

105

The Mourning Parents

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7394 II X 14 J in.

The two parents mourn, hands clasped together, eyes down, and seated on sheep-
skins. Even the fire in the corner fireplace has failed to cheer them. The scene was
described as yumat solmokyota, "both lonesome."

Clowning

(Paintings Nos. 106 through 117)

No Clown Society exists at Hopi, but the temporary clown leader is nevertheless
referred to as the Clown chief and practice takes place in the kiva. Each of these
features reflects the former existence of an organized group of clowns.

CLOWNING 47

106

Arrival of the Clowns

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7554 II X 14J in.

The clowns' usual entrance to a summer kachina performance is by a complicated
and humorous descent from a housetop by means of a rope. Three clowns appear in
the painting; one is assisted by another as he descends almost vertically.

Lomakema enjoyed the topic of clowning, for no infringement of secrecy was
involved.

107

A MuDHEAD Game Scene

Marshall Lomakema

-M.Aijn¥ 23/7561 II X 14J in.

A clown sets a sacred water gourd on a basket which he has specially painted
(chukovota, "clown basket"). He challenges a woman to knock it off using a bow and
arrow. This rain-bringing contest inspires the Hopi title : Nanavo'i, "Playing a game."

108

Feeding a Clown
Narron Lomayaktewa
mai/hf 23/7318 9 X 12 in.

The woman brings piki bread to her nephew, who is taking part in a dance as a
ceremonial clown. He places his hand on his forehead in deUght and amazement and
is about to say: "Kwakwai, kwakwai, Thanks" (male speaker). He wears a necklace
of fresh green chile and shorts improvised from blue jeans. Another Hopi viewer
corroborates the aunt-nephew relationship, defining the painting as kya'amanakua'i,
"his aunt giving him food."

Clowning is chukulahia, "doing something funny." A great deal could be said about
it, but a statement endorsed by a Hopi in 1963 seems to express the essential truth
behind the clown's significance :

"A Hopi clown is a merry maker in a plaza. He is an actor, imitator without restriction
of human behavior. He delights in dramatizing the experiences of people, their short
successes and tragedies. His special delight is marital troubles in which he ridicules
his victims to the extreme.

During his half-a-day life span as a clown he experiences happiness, sorrow, seeks to
better or worsen himself and commits sins through blunders as a mortal. At the end
he is justly rewarded by being punished and then forgiven and purified by the kachinas."

48 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

109

Three White Man's Clowns

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7552 II X 14^ in.

This volunteered painting depicts modified circus clowns which may appear at
Powamuya or Bean Dance. The orange and green costumes, boots or tennis shoes,
and face paint are quite close to their prototypes. Two of the clowns carry canes,
while the center figure has a miniature drum.

110

A Women's Chorus of Clowns

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7321 18 X 24 in.

This depicts the chorus at the women's mock Buffalo Dance {Marau Mosairo).
From the hasty costuming of the dancers, done as a sort of competition with the men,
the dance takes the name kipokyungyiuma; kipoko is elsewhere the competitive
costuming of dancers. Mamzraut nononga, "Mamzraut coming out," is another ex-
pression describing the scene.

A Mexican theme in the women's clowning is quite old, for Stephen identifies an
1893 performance as a Mexican Wuwuchim exhibition (8:934). A performer in the
present painting is similarly a Castil Mamzrau wuhti, "Spanish (or Mexican, some-
times Negro) Mamzrau woman." The chorus makes fun of various men in the vil-
lage: "So-and-so is a dirty man, always peeping in windows," or they sing comic
songs such as one which mocks a lover's promises : ' 'What if I buy you White man's
shoes, a White man's car, and we sing White man's songs, tra-la-la, tra-la-la. . ."

Clowns Feeding a White Spectator

Marshall Lomakema
UAiluF 23/7565 II X 14 J in.

Ki'avakvi tochamiya conveys the thought that someone in the audience is invited
(by the clowns) to eat in the plaza. A bespectacled White is seen being encouraged
to enjoy a reward of piki bread and mutton stew, after he has served as the butt of
a number of the clowns' remarks and stunts.

Clowns are usually careful to select people whom they feel will understand the
humor and forgive the license. Lomakema would not admit his satire of White
physique and costume and said that the man was "just a visitor, anyone." His
carefully tucked-in necktie, however, seems a guarantee that he is a caricature of a
teacher, government worker or just a tourist.

CLOWNING 49

112

Clowns Performing a Bullfight

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7567 II X 14^ in.

Another volunteered example of the infinite number of possible clown skits. The
clown bullfighter carries a red cape while the comhusk horns of the other clown and
the conventional staff for forelegs of an animal suffice to identify him as the bull.
Chuchkut wakasitao nanaiwa, "clowns cow-at fighting," was the artist's Hopi title for
the incident.

113

A Clown Imitating an Ogre Woman

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7555 II X I4i in.

An episode in the Soyoko appearance seems to embody the idea that the Ogre
Woman is not only a punisher of bad children. Soyoko, wearing a tablita, dances as the
partner of a clown, as if she had relented in her role as disciplinarian. The children
themselves, however, rarely see the night dances. This volunteered painting is one of
many which evidence Lomakema's interest in depicting kachina activities. It is sel-
dom that this type of minor episode appears in Hopi painting, though races and
certain other scenes have become accepted subjects. The Umitation placed upon
kachina representations which merely documented types, however, and the previous
acceptance of similar episodes no doubt conditioned the artist's choice.

114

The Clowns Imitate Kachinas

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7566 II X 14 J in.

Soyoko is seen participating in clown play. The kachina carries his spear and a
yucca whip. Two clowns mock him — one with a bucket over his head for the mask
and a broom "spear." Episodes such as this are followed by eventual punishment
of the clowns by the kachinas and are a well-liked portion of the summer dances.

115

Piftukas or Imitator Clowns

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7553 II X 141 in.

In a dialogue between a clown and two piftukas the clown enacts the role of a
CarHsle Indian School coach with "CC" painted on his jersey. To the right another
piftuka is dressed as a Carlisle team member. In the skit the team member claimed
that he could beat Louis Tewanima, the Olympic winner of 1906 (d. 1968). But when

50 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Tewanima actually raced the clown, the aging champion won. The imitators then
encouraged Tewanima to display his many racing trophies on the plaza. Aside from
honoring the old man's achievement, the high values which the Hopi place upon
racing and physical fitness were reasserted.

116

Imitator Kachina and Clowns

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7342 18 X 24 in.

As three clowns, one carrying a soft drink bottle, approach an Imitator Kachina,
one of them holds a flaming bit of cedar bark aloft. The kachina, mocking his victims,
is in danger of setting his mask on fire. According to the artist:

"This piftuka, he's just an Imitator, so they're making fun of this Imitator. They said
how they were going to get rid of this guy. They're tired of him. They were going to
burn his head off, so he did the same thing and sets fire to his bark (headdress). So
that's how they got rid of him; he runs."

Another description of the painting was piftuka chuchkutui aopito, "Imitator comes
to the clowns." Mishongnovi clowns are red and yellow; Shongopovi ones are yellow
and black. The distinctive body paintings of the two New Mexican Pueblo clown
societies, Koshare and Kwirina have thus been adapted by separate villages.

117

Clowns Building a House

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7564 II X I4i in.

The clowns obtain an evergreen for "their tree" four days before the dance. It is
beUeved that a rain cloud may be seen to hover about the tree during the dance.
They build a house, actually outlining it in ashes and living in it "just like camping
out." Various episodes then take place. The three clowns have the usual yellow paint
and blue jean shorts over which they wear the woven blue loincloth which was their
former costume.

Curing

(Paintings Nos. 118 through 144)

Illness and disease can be frightening in a small village. Although everyone knows
a few simple cures, the medicine man is beUeved to have special knowledge of the
types of sickness and their cure. The Hopi bone doctor serves as a native chiropractor
and has a good practical knowledge of sprains, dislocations and other ailments. The
magician, however, has a magical crystal with which he can divine the causes of
illness. His powers over animal spirit helpers enable him to cure the victim of witch-
craft and quite a few of his techniques have a sound psychological basis.

CURING ' 51

Home remedies and medicines which are the property of particular religious societies
such as the Snake Society round out the record of Hopi medicine and curing ritual
provided by the paintings.

HOME CURE
(Paintings Nos. 118 and 119)

118

A Man Treating His Wife's Eye Disease

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7490 II X 14 J in.

Conjunctivitis is frequent on the Hopi Reservation and cases can become quite
serious and difficult to eradicate, thus it is not surprising that native home remedies
exist. A man uses a spoon to treat his wife's eyes with a boiled sunflower seed de-
coction. A more drastic remedy is human urine, with which the eye is washed. Other
eye treatments are employed by the Hopi doctor, who will refer a person to the hospi-
tal if he suspects trachoma.

119

Taking Snake Dance Stomach Medicine

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7493 II X i4i in.

A boy watches his mother drink the medicine from a bowl while his father sits
to the right. The medicine, prepared by members of the Snake Society, is distri-
buted at the close of the snake ritual and most of the village take it as a preventative.

CAUSES OF SERIOUS ILLNESS

(Paintings Nos. 120 through 126)

120

The Dreaded Toalong

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7385 18 X 24 in.

A feared apparition is shown in this painting. People asleep on the roof are about
to see "a man with a bone on his face," the Toalong, "going to the family to make
them sick." The figure wears a pelvis bone as a mask, and his costuming is that of a
woman, reminding us of kachina impersonation. Parallels between witch figures and
the kachinas occur at other pueblos and certain highly secret Hopi rituals involve
dressing in ghostly costumes. It is possible that the Hopi pubhc sees members of an
esoteric society, but is convinced that the apparition is a ghost or witch. Witches
are: "Mostly in stories. . .Certain people might be suspected. . .about two famihes. . .
People who are seen out at night alone or in unusual places." A witch may also be

52 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

described as a lu'ukonangwat-taka, "two-heart." The sexual aspects of the witch-
complex are reflected in a viewer's remark: "A witch. . .Toalong. . .she might be
tilmaiya, 'going around for boys in the night.' "

121

Curing an Old Man of the Effects of a Witch Bundle

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7548 II X i4i in.

Holding his crystal, the doctor attempts to divine the cause of the old man's
illness. The old man is very ill. His wife is on the left and another relative, possibly
a cousin, very upset by his illness, is on the right, covering his face because he is
unhappy. The magician stands holding his crystal in which he can locate the source
of the illness that is bothering the old man. The evil charm or witch bundle in-
serted in the rafter to the left is some bones wrapped up in an old rag and placed
up in the rafter by some person, "maybe a relative," who doesn't like the old man.
' The magician will find it, take it down, and throw it outside. The old man will get
well. That's the way they do it at the village." The medicine man has just located
the bundle; his diagnosis is now complete.

Malevolent relatives or fellow villagers are commonly beUeved to be the source of
Pueblo events interpreted as witchcraft incidents.

122

Behavior Toward a Suspected Witch

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7550 II X 14J in.

Avoidance behavior is shown as a young mother looks away from a superficially
pleasant woman whom she suspects of being a witch. As in New Mexico, an "Indian
broom" may be placed on the cradle to protect the baby. The mother's averted face
beHes any hospitaHty she may judiciously offer the potential menace to her child.

THE MEDICINE MAN
(Paintings Nos. 123 through 134)

123

A Husband Accompanies His Wife
Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7539 II X i4i in.

One of the several paintings which show what is in effect a native cUnic. Yoina-
paliota, "rheumatism," and kototoya, "head sickness," have brought the woman
to the magician. Her husband waits as the doctor performs his cure. Several members
of a family may seek treatment at the same time.

CURING 53

124

Using a Crystal and Fetishes to Locate Illness

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7453 II X i4i in.

The magician or eye-man (positaka) stands to the right and holds his crystal
aloft, examining a man, his wife, and their son. Three fetishes facing the patients
have been arranged in a rectangular area on the floor. A buckskin bag contains the
doctor's plant medicines. Lomakema emphasized the magical powers of the doctor's
wristlets and bear-claw necklace (cf. # 125 and # 126), but Nuvayouma omits these
completely.

125

The Patient is Seated on an Adobe Platform

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7360 18 X 24 in.

The magician treats a man for internal illness or witchcraft. Strange actions may
have formed part of his symptoms, or he may have been affected by any one of a
number of distinct syndromes. The doctor holds his crystal. On the floor is a pottery
vessel containing water. Beside it are a wing feather asperger used in blessing and
two prayer feathers. The patient is seated upon a platform (tiiwi) of stone and
adobe. These used to be fairly common in old houses, but are seldom seen today.
The painting is totoiyakat taita, "sick person looking at." Another man looked at the
painting and explained philosophically: "This fellow has trouble, the one sitting down.
He depends on the medicine man to see to it what is wrong . . . feel him all over. It
works out sometimes; you just have to trust them."

126

Diagnosis for Internal Illness

Marshall Lomakema
MMJUY 23/7325 18 X 24 in.

The doctor wears only the loincloth and moccasins. His hair is long and he has
black bravery marks (yalaha) on his cheeks. Since magical vision is involved, the
ceremony may be quite brief.

"You don't know what's wrong with you. . .inside, something. The magician looks at
you, what's wrong with you inside. You don't know, don't feel good. You go over there
and let him look you over with his crystal. On his wrists he wears the bones and teeth
of wild animals like leopard, mountain lion, wild pigs. On his right wrist are the claws
of the animals. They make him strong, make him look strong at people, fix them right."

The many types of illness recognized and named by the Hopi constitute a special
study in themselves and vary considerably from illness types as understood by

54 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Whites. Among some twenty known to him personally, an informant identified one as
tuskafkiota. In a child this produces what we may define as extreme nervousness,
over-reacting, especially to siblings; the child cries continually and will not sleep. In
adults or in a serious form, the mind is affected.

A brief portion of a legend relates to the bonesetter specifically, but pertains to
the magical skiU needed for curing :

"A boy wanted to be a medicine man. A bear took him to a cave. He took off his fur
and became a man. He came out with fur on and tore the boy's body to pieces [i.e.,
tore the bones apart). Then he covered the boy's body with a wedding robe and sang
and pretty soon something was moving; it was the same boy."

It has been suggested that bone doctors are possibly permitted to dissect a bear to
observe the joiuts which are somewhat similar to human joints.

127

The Medicine Man "Consults his Animals**

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7549 II X i4i in.

Before performing a cure the magician prays to his fetishes which symbolize his
control over helpful animal spirits. "They have to watch for the medicine man when
he is working on the patient."

128

A Ritual Offering

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7492 II X 141^ in.

The medicine man is gathering a plant whose root is chewed to cure diarrhea.
Equipped with his cornmeal bag, the doctor digs down into the earth with his hands
and places a bit of cornmeal into the ground as a prayer. Without the prayer it is
beUeved that the plant would magically disappear as he leaves the area. A man from
the village is said to have gathered a number of the plants for sale. Not believing
in prayer, he left. When he had reached his home, every plant had disappeared!

129

The Doctor Treats a Sick Baby

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7556 II X I4i in.

A small child or baby may be given clay as a treatment for diarrhea. Although
this natural equivalent of Kaopectate might be prescribed by a medicine man, it
could also be administered as a home remedy.

CURING 55

130

Shock Treatment for Mental Illness

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7543 II X 14I in.

The value of shock is recognized by the Hopi magician. "If someone is nervous
and scared of something then these men have to scare him so he can get over his
nervousness." A woman has been afraid of witches and is waiting for treatment.
The medicine man, standing behind her, will make a noise to scare her. Chawintotoya
is ' 'scaring a sick person." Tuskyaftotoya, "crazy sick person," is the closest equivalent
to a term for a mentally ill patient. There is a clear distinction made between mild
disturbance and insanity.

131

The Doctor Offers Sacred Cornmeal to his Patient

Leroy Kewanyama
maiIhf 23/7508 II X 14 J in.

Although scattered illustrations of curing had been obtained early in the series,
expUcit concentration upon curing took place only after two hundred paintings
had been completed. Thus Kewanyama was asked for "a medicine man" and given
several other suggestions for subjects. Here, the magician has his crystal, buckskin
bag, and fetish. He offers his female patient cornmeal. Both are in traditional clothing.
The term povoska links directly with the Pobosh-wimkya or extinct Eye Priesthood,
the difference being dialectic. The more usual term for the doctor, however, is
simply tihikya, or the term ifwantihikya, which refers to his powers as a sucking
shaman.

When any of the artists' children became iU they tended to feel that the curing
paintings might have been responsible. The two who had young children each ex-
pressed misgivings about particular curing scenes.

132

Ants are Removed by Sleight-Of-Hand

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7525 18 X 23 in.

Based upon a cure which took place ca. 1950, the scene embodies the Pueblo belief
that boils maybe caused by ants. Lomakema commented, "The doctor takes out

something, that's what I don't beUeve," and explained: "One time 's breasts

had a boil (pond). The magician came over and said, 'There's ants in there, the
black ants (toko 'ant), so I'm going to take them out!'" Gathering the ants together
the doctor warned the patient, "You'd better see it yourself. Give me your silakvo
(comhusk) ; I'm going to put them there. There are five ants. They're aHve." And the
artist adds. "That's when I believed it."

56 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

^ The boil is indeed shaped like an anthill. The Hopi term for such a boil occurs
m the title for the painting: Sokyachi ep ankiota, "Shoulder there ant house." The
ants have been dehberately given exaggerated size for emphasis. In chopping wood
a Hopi wiU not disturb a log on which there are ants, since it may be their home and
they may retaliate by causing swellings, irritations, or boils.

133

A Woman Doctor Treating Cloud Eye (Keratitis)

Marshall Lomakema
MAi/HF 23/7526 18 X 23 in.

One of several eye aHments depicted in the curing sub-series is treated by a woman
doctor. Cloud eye fomadposki), is said to be caused by "looking at clouds too long."
It may be one of serveral eye ailments which are caused by the kachinas, since they
are associated with clouds. As Lomakema comments: "You look at the cloud. . .your
eyes hurt just Hke you have trachoma. Somethmg went into your eyes. You may
look at clouds, but not too long." The eye is red, badly inflamed. Two doctors who
looked at the painting felt that conjunctivitis and keratitis were involved. One
pomted out that a simHar behef obtains in his native Peru where clouds are con-
sidered to be a source of eye ailments.

Both women are in traditional dress and kneel on sheepskins. Hospital treatment
has made trachoma known, but the less serious pink-eye is often ignored.

134

Treatment of a Skin Ulcer

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7524 18 X 23 in.

A skin ailment identified as single-center ulcers is treated with Lacapa, or mistletoe.
The doctor kneels, having mixed the decoction with water. As usual the patient
kneels on a sheepskin.

THE BONE DOCTOR
(Paintings Nos. 135 through 142)

135

A Bone Doctor Treats a Dislocated Neck

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 237547 II X 14J in.

A topic elicited from two artists, the doctor is shown grasping a seated male
patient by the crown of his head, bracing him by holding onto the shoulders. The
patient's wife holds his knee to reassure him. The neck has been the source of pain
in the back according to Nuvayouma's version of the hypothetical problem.

t^^^^^

Treatment for a Dislocated Hip (#139)

CURING 57

136

A Bone Doctor Treats a Dislocated Neck

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7529 18 X 23 in.

The bone doctor manipulates a dislocated neck (kwafi'i'ama, "the neck is out").
The patient is seated and braces himself by holding his left knee. The doctor grasps
the patient's jaw, preparing to readjust the neck. A simple dislocation may be the
complaint but sometimes fever is present. The patient had fallen from his horse or
burro.

137

Treatment of Muscle Spasm or Rib Dislocation

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7541 II X i4i in.

One of several pairs of paintings by Lomakema and Nuvayouma assigned as a
check on accuracy. Neither artist knew the other had been assigned the identical
scene.

138

Treatment of Muscle Spasms or Dislocation of Ribs

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7527 18 X 23 in.

The bone doctor stands behind the man and manipulates his ribs which are out of
alignment [chongyamakiota, "the ribs are out"). Both men wear their hair long.

139

Treatment for a Dislocated Hip

Marshall Lomakema
UMJUF 23/7530 18 X 23 in.

The bone doctor treats a dislocated hip by having the patient lie in bed for mani-
pulation. The painting describes an actual experience of the artist. In his account,
we have a shortened version of what is probably a typical doctor-patient dialogue :

"I go over to the bone doctor and I ask, 'Is the bone doctor here? [Ukatihikya ka
yepe)' and explain that one of our family is sick (um itaki'aoni itam totoya). 'You go
over to our house, one of us is sick. Come over, look at him, see how he is'. He says,
'Very well, I'll go (ta paino' aoni).' He never refuses — pani pai ka hisat hin nawakna.
Then the bone doctor treats the hip. He bends the knee almost double as the patient
lies on the bed and afterward may explain, '0 piala kds'a yamakiota. Your hips were
out of joint,' adding 'Pai sonka kwangwahintini, You'll probably be all right.'"

The doctor is seen bending the leg "almost double." The patient, who has not been
able to get about after his hunting accident, is brought water by his wife. Pialtotoya
is "hip illness;" pialmakiota is "dislocation of hips." The doctor's technique conforms
pretty closely to White practice.

58 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

140

A Husband Assists the Bone Doctor

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7544 II X i4i in.

A woman patient, seated with her legs outstretched, clasps her husband's knee
for support. The doctor kneels and extends the affected Umb. Tihikya hokyahikput
maiyanta, "doctor fixing broken leg," was admitted by the artist to be something of
a Hopi tongue-twister. Hokya'at kohi is "leg broken." Cooperation of the patient's
relatives is quite frequent in the paintings.

141

A Child's Arm is Treated

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7528 18 X 23 in.

The bone doctor manipulates the httle boy's arm which he has fallen on or in-
jured in play. The child's mother holds him securely as the doctor takes hold of the
arm to check its articulation and to manipulate it if the joint still is not aUgned
properly.

142

The Doctor Locates a Pain in the Patient's Back

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7449 II X 14J in.

The bone doctor essays a group cure: tihikya pomoi maiyanta, "doctor fixes them,'*
or "they are trying to fix the whole family." The details cast hght upon Hopi curing,
indeed clinical, procedure:

"First thing, they try to get on this boy. He's got a bad trouble, a broken back; his
muscles are out of place, so he's trying to fix it. So the medicine man touches his back
and tries to put his hand on the source of the pain. The man yells. . .This is his medicine
kit (ngamoki).

This lady is waiting to be the next one. Her pregnancy. . .maybe she lifted heavy
things. . .she isn't feeling good."

In the medicine kit are "a lot of things," especially plant medicines.

PAYMENT OF FEES
(Paintings Nos. 143 through 144)

143

Paying a Medicine Man's Retainer

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7466 II X 14I in.

A patient or the head of the household makes an offering of commeal to request
the medicine man's service.

ECONOMIC LIFE 59

144

A Final Payment to the Doctor

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7467 II X 14 J in.

Payment to the medicine man is initiated by giving blue commeal. The wife has
also prepared bread and rolls of piki bread. She wears a yellow dress, her hair in the
usual braids of a Hopi matron. The offering is voluntary, "up to the patient."

Economic Life

(Paintings Nos. 145 through 185)

As the Series of paintings developed, the economic context of Hopi ritual hfe
was illustrated. Most of these paintings do not reflect the ceremonies, but they
record a way of hfe which has inevitably been changing. Com, gourds, squash,
deer and rabbit are no longer as important in Hopi Ufe as cash economy, credit,
and employment. The significance of the agricultural and hunting base, however,
must not be underestimated even today. Many older people survive largely upon it
with partial aid in many cases from the government through one or another pro-
gram of assistance.

In the illustrations of economic hfe the contributions of the Spanish missionaries
may also be seen : sheep and peaches. The Hopi economy thus has a basis which is
tri-cultural in origin but has become thoroughly Hopi.

As a background for Hopi ritual, economics is essential; for the Hopi pass easily
from economic activity to ritual — the two are in fact so intertwined that many
students of economic practice in the Pueblos have foimd themselves instantly
engaged in studies of ceremonies, ritual exchanges, and related beliefs.

CROPS
{Paintings Nos. 145 through 161)

145

Loading the Peaches

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7414 II X 14 J in.

A burro with a balanced load of two peach boxes takes the peaches to the sipalki,
or "peach house," a small building used for storage. The man uses a tumphne (the
strap is ngata), and carries peaches in a ho'apu or burden basket. He carries a staff and
wears the spHt homemade "Indian pants." Peaches were introduced by the Spanish
and there are far fewer ritual practices connected with them than with the more
important aboriginal crops, especially com.

6o RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

146

Getting Peaches

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7465 II X 14 J in.

Two men are walking. One carries a five-gallon tin covered by a cloth; the other
has a ho'apu or burden basket. A peach tree stands to the right.

147

Hauling Peaches

Marshall Lomakema

UAIJKF 23/7484 18 X 23 in.

A man with a can and also the traditional ho'apu (burden basket) is followed by
a boy with a staff.

148

Drying Peaches

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7413 II X 144 in.

A man and his wife are spreading out peaches for drying before they are stored.
The man wears farm clothes; the woman has braids and the black Pueblo dress.
The peaches have been carried in yucca sifting baskets.

149

Harvesting Beans

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7471 II X 14 J in.

A man beats pinto bean plants in the field and a woman winnows the chaff,
blowing on the beans if there is no breeze. She wears a red homespun dress, while
the man has a tan shirt and white trousers.

150

A Farmer Gathering Gourds

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7447 II X 14 J in.

Gourds are allowed to grow in the fields, the naturally occurring Lagenaria and
Cucurbita being suitable for rattles, mask parts, and for other uses. They do not
necessarily require watering. In the painting a man with a wicker basket with a
tumpline is aided by a boy in gathering the gourds. The two wear only their loincloths
and moccasins.

ECONOMIC LIFE 6l

151

Gathering Gourds

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7459 II X 14^ in.

Gourds are taken to the "gourd house," a lean-to or kisi for drying. Gourds are
seen piled on both sides of the structure. A jug and digging stick are inside; a hoe
is on the roof. The immaculate farmer wears white pants and carries the gourds in a
cloth bag. He is probably engaged in a ceremonial errand.

152

Gathering Melons for Yahaha

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7488 18 X 23 in.

Yahaha (depicted in # 21), is a game in which women attempt to pry articles
away from the men. Reminded of the game at the time of the 1965 Snake Dance,
the artist depicted a farmer selecting melons from his crop to be used in the play.

153

Planting the Fields

Melvin Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7462 II X 14I in.

Two men work in one of the desert-like Hopi fields. Using a digging stick or dibble
the first man makes a hole in which to plant the com kernels while the second fol-
lows with a hoe. A lean-to (kisi) is in the background.

154

Sprinkling the Fields

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7404 18 X 24 in.

A man in farm clothing uses a plant to sprinkle a mixture of water and manure
over the young com plants; two boys assist in the work. Dog manure is sometimes
saved for this purpose. Rats and rabbits do not like the smell and tend to stay away
from the plants, so each plant must be carefully sprinkled. Stephen (S : 707) translates
makwanta as "asperger," corroborating the general meaning of the word, here applied
to the sprinkling of crops.

155

Women Storing Corn

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7454 II X I4i in.

Women arrange a harvest of blue com in the family storeroom (kaniki). To the
right, a woman in a red dress brings ears in yucca sifting baskets while an older
woman places them neatly in long rows. Melons may be seen piled in another comer
of the room. Com is Ufe to the Hopi and is regarded as being ahve.

62 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

156

Shelling Corn

Melvin Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7457 II X 14J in.

A woman rubs two com ears together to remove the kernels as another brings a
yucca basket full of ears. The seated woman has a green dress ; the standing one wears
bright red. This was Melvin Nuvayouma's first painting.

157

Drying Corn Kernels

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7428 18 X 24 in.

Before grinding, com kernels must be washed to eUminate contamination by rat
urine during storage. A grey-haired woman in a print dress with a woven belt spreads
the kernels out to dry after washing. A small boy pours water from a ladle.

158

Parching Corn

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7435 II X 141 in.

Two women parch com, working out-of-doors; each wears the black dress and is
barefooted. The seated woman uses a bundle of stirring sticks to stir the com which
is roasting in a utility jar. A simple star fire and an arrangement of squared stones
serves as the fireplace, with a storehouse shown to the rear. The second woman carries
a yucca sifting basket containing ears of com. Com is parched on occasion as a
special treat at Indian fairs.

159

An Old Lady Grinding Corn and Singing

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7496 II X 14 J in.

Older people preserve many of the customs of their generation. This elderly woman
rises early to set an example and also to be useful to her family. Perhaps an equally
early rising child will learn her song. Wiihti ngomanta is "woman grinding corn;"
wiihti talavai its taomomoikyang ngomanta is "woman is singing in early morning
grinding com." Matasiwu is the stone box for the metates (mata) ; mataki is the
mano, while the brush for cleaning it is the mataosi. Matavuma, "house around
mata" is another term for the box arrangement. The woman kneels; on the wall is
com and a string of chili, perhaps traded from New Mexican Indian visitors.

ECONOMIC LIFE 63

160

Women Grinding Corn

Arlo Niivayouma
mai/hf 23/7495 II X 14 J in.

Three woman grind at the mealing bins placed in series. Matavyonga is the stone
used as a crusher to crack the com. Pinampta and honampta indicate stones with
varying degrees of fineness in crushing capacity. Different informants apply these
terms specifically to the mano or the metate. The mano is mataki, which being
"house for mata" is perhaps correctly the term for metate, but the informant is
insistent.

161

Making Pikami

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7494 II X 14J in.

Two women kneel and stir the cooking pikami or corn mush with a bundle of
stirring sticks. A fire has been started in the kuitski or smokehouse, a hooded fire-
place. The women wear orange and green dresses.

MAKING A PIKI STONE
(Paintings Nos. 162 through 166)

162

Getting the Piki Stone

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7443 II X 14J in.

The piki stone making sub-series documents the four-fold process of preparing this
native griddle. Locating and mining the stone, smoothing the stone, preparing the
surface, and testing the surface comprise the steps depicted.

Tiimaoa, "clay stone," is used for the stone. It is said to be harder than sand-
stone and is obtained two or three miles to the west of the village. A man has already
located a suitable stone : "He took one right here already and they try to make it even
and chop it off with a metal tool. . . oavikyangwo, 'stone hatchet.'" The pick or
chokovikyangwo may also be used; vikyangwo serves to describe the mattock, familiar
from fire-fighting activities. The man, wearing green pants and a blue shirt, checks
the stone for squareness. His pick is upper center, his hatchet to the right. A net-
covered gourd serves as his canteen.

64 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

163

Smoothing the Piki Stone

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7444 II X 14^ in.

The stone is smoothed with cobbles and rubbed for a final smoothing.

"After he brought it home, they start smoothing it using talvitapi, little pieces of
stone like small gravel. When it's rough it sticks to it."

Two women smooth the rock using flat-ended cobbles. Both wear braids, as this is a
typical task of married women.

164

Putting Pitch on the Stone

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7445 II X 14 J in.

This is part of the process of firing the piki stone. The stone is covered with pitch
from tuve'e (piii6n pine) ; the pitch is tuve'esana (or simply sana) and placed over the
fire: "She puts that (pitch) on a Uttle stick and bums it and then bums it on every
place on the stone. . .all over. Then she starts a cedar wood fire." To the lower left
she has a dish of sana. Above the cooking area is the vent or kuitski, a "shed for the
smoke." Anyone may prepare a stone:

"You can ask anybody that knows how to cook that right. She has to start early. . .
at sunrise. She has to finish that in one day or the next day it might crack (if the
cooling is allowed to become irregular)."

Further restrictions seem partly ceremonial :

"She has to be alone. No one can make a noise or it might crack. You use pifi6n wood
for the fire. . .real hot, so she has to be alone. When that stone is still white they put
it on top of the fireplace. Then the woman puts on the black pitch. Then it burns, is
black."

The piki stone in place on top of two vertically placed stones is kotmangwo; the
analogy to a shrine-house or hahoki does not escape the native onlooker. A woman in
a yellow dress holds the short stick which is used to apply the pitch to the stone.
Chili and corn are on the wall as the artist felt that the wall looked bare.

165

Testing the Stone

Arlo Nuvayouma

MAIJUF 23/7446 II X 14^ in.

Tumhenta literally implies painting or actually dyeing the stone, since white and
finally blue commeal are used to make sure that the surface is fast and non-fugitive.
Burro grease is used to rub the pitch-blackened stone. The woman checks to be sure

ECONOMIC LIFE 65

that the surface material has adhered and will not come off. After the stone tests
clean, the first blue commeal is used on the stone. Such a surface has been ob-
served to endure a year's exposure to the weather successfully. Old piki stones are
sometimes used as part of house foundations, and may be reclaimed if needed.

166

Women Making Piki

Melvin Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7464 II X 14 J in.

Using the piki stone set in place and sakwafngomni, "blue flour," two women
make rolls of piki bread. The dough is spread by hand on the hot stone griddle and
although it is a mark of skill never to burn one's hands, even an expert's hands
become reddened by the heat of the stone.

HUNTING
(Paintings Nos. 167 through 173)

167

Hunting Rabbits

Melvin Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7440 II X 14^ in.

Two boys prepare to kill rabbits using their rabbit sticks.

168

Rabbit Hunt

Leroy Kewanyama
mai/hf 23/7505 II X 14I in.

Typical of several rabbit hunt scenes in the series, this one by Kewanyama depicts
the use of both the flat and cylindrical rabbit sticks.

169

' Together Hunt' '

Leroy Kewanyama

mai/hf 23/7506 II X 144 in.

Kewanyama's version of a girl's gift in return for a rabbit. The boy wears white
trousers, the girl a black dress and buckskin boots. Hunts on which boys and girls
go together are common Pueblo practice.

66 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

170

Feeding the Hunter's Family

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7416 18 X 24 in.

A woman gives bread to the hunter's mother or aunt. Another woman follows
her with somiviki. The woman in the doorway wears her Indian boots but a store
dress; the visiting women are dressed in manias.

Ill

Offering Corn Pollen to the Slain Deer

Marshall Lomakema
mai/hf 23/7386 18 X 24 in.

A man has killed a deer. From his commeal bag he takes pollen {talasi), "putting
the talasi on his mouth, feeding the deer." The hunter's gun lies near him. Hopi
practice stipulates the offering of six prayer feathers : for the Sun, Moon, Somaikoli,
Spider Woman, the deer's own spirit, and for one other special purpose. Hunters
may offer the prayer feathers at night: "We sit down at night around the fire and
smoke. Around one o'clock two men take them out someplace and stick them there."
The scene is Maktaka ninaka nonovna, "Hunter deer killed feeds." As custom changes
not all Pueblo men know the traditional practices of the deer hunt ; the less stringent
offerings and customs of the rabbit hunt are far more commonly known.

172

Dressing the Slain Deer in Ceremonial Garments

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7396 II X 14 J in.

Nuvayouma depicts the widespread Pueblo custom of decorating the slain deer
(cf. Parsons 1962:263). The male deer wears a kilt; a female must have a mania. A
com ear as used in naming, a tobacco bag and pipe for ritual smoking are laid near
the deer's head. The stick next to the pipe is the reamer for cleaning it. Basic to
Pueblo beUef is the hope that the same deer returns many times to a hunter, each
time grown larger. For this reason, the joints were customarily not severed (cf . # 171).

173

Trapping Birds

Arlo Nuvayouma
maiIrf 2sly^y8 11 x 14 J in.

A boy in a storeroom uses a log with horsehair loops to trap a hukchiro or "wind-
bird," from a group of five. Wivoshohowa is "trapping." Mousetraps baited with
cracked corn are sometimes used with a string as a trigger. The traditional Hopi
bluebird snare is honored in a kachina name (cf. Colton 1949:66).

ECONOMIC LIFE 67

BASKET MAKING
(Paintings Nos. 174 through 178)

174

Gathering Yucca

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7372 II X 14 J in.

In August, after the Snake Ceremony is over, a man and his wife go to gather
yucca. Yucca gathered in winter is suitable only for a natural yellow color, but for
most other colors the jmcca must have been saved from the previous August, Baskets
are made for native use, but also to sell :

"To make the baskets and sell them to get a living, to get groceries. . . .That's why we
have to prepare it for the winter, so we won't have hard times in vnnter."

If no yucca has been gathered, household supplies such as sugar may have to be
traded to a neighbor who has remembered to go out for yucca. Women value their
prepared yucca quite highly. Another statement differs only sUghtly:

"Every year it matures fresh in the middle of the leaf. We pick it in July. I used to
take my relatives out and we'd have to reach down and pick the fresh leaves out. . .
to turn them yellow we'd leave them back there and the next year pick them up."

Momoklalwa is going after yucca (moho) ; mohefnuma, "looking for yucca;" molawo
(molalwa) is said to imply picking it up, but momokwisa was translated as "gathering
the yucca." Motinuma was given as "getting the yucca." A mural by Fred Kabotie
at Grand Canyon, painted ca. 1950, shows a man and wife gathering 3racca, using a
burro; at least one viewer claimed that this was the source of the present painting.

175

Splitting the Yucca

Arlo Nuvayouma
TAAifn^ 23/7373 II X 14I in.

"Just any lady, neighbors or relatives, when they hear that she went to get yucca,
the next day they come over to split it. Then after they get through, she gives a little
bunch of yucca to the helpers. They have dinner at the house."

This, then, is the "basket work party" at which a good deal of gossip (kokoliyauya)
takes place. Women use sheep or deer bone awls rarely (okamotsi or in contracted
form okamchi), but the usual motsi or awl is an ice-pick. Most of those who saw this
painting confirmed the description of the scene as mochikyanta, but pochiminta is also
spHtting; mokapuminta is "spHtting fresh yucca," and mohotchikyanta, "splitting
white yucca." Pafsilawu is "taking the 'hair' off the yucca." Two women kneel,
spHtting the 5racca.

68 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

176

Drying Yucca Strips

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7374 II X 141 in.

"After they split it, they spread it out to bleach it. After two days when it has
rained on it, then it gets white." This process is mohutmuiyanta, "drying yucca out."
A woman in traditional dress lays the yucca out neatly for the drying and change
in color.

177

Dyeing

Arlo Nuvayouma

MAijUF 23/7375 II X 14J in.

The publication Hopi Dyes (Colton 1965) supphes detailed information on the
preparation of Hopi dyes. In this case palatufhenta, "dyeing red," is shown:

"She had hot charcoal. She puts (raw) wool in it to make it smoke. On a fire she
boils water in a pot. Then she grinds her vegetable dye (in this case red or sita, cf.
Whiting 1950:98). Then when the water boils she puts it in there with a piece of sionga
(alkali). Then it boils. Then she starts dipping the yucca. She puts it on a sifter basket
over the smoking charcoal."

The same informant clarifies her description :

"First she puts it on the stove. When it's boiling she puts sita in it and then she puts
that sionga in. Then when it's really cooked she starts dipping the yucca in it. Then it's
yellow. She puts that charcoal in that pan and she builds a fire under it. Then she puts
the yucca on the sifter with greasy wool to make it smoke. It turns red after it's over
the smoke two or three times."

178

Making a Basket

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7376 II X 14 J in.

A mother teaches her daughter to weave coiled plaques (cf. # 18). The daughter
(left) holds up her effort. Emerging from the coils is the soho or wild grass which
serves as the bundle. Placed in damp sand to keep them flexible, the black, white,
red and natural green yucca strips await use. The little girl has a squash-blossom
hair arrangement while the mother wears braids. Botananatona, "basket learning,"
was proposed as a short description of this painting by several viewers. Botayahinta
is "starting a basket." Tiny pieces of very finely split yucca are used at the very
beginning; momochikva describes this fine splitting.

Women describe their progress in terms of rounds or koniki as in the statement
Noq pu lu'uk anka koyni, "And I two rounds (put today)." Addition to the bundle is
simply amtane, "adding it up;" the word soho implies the bundle as well as being
the name of the wild grass used for it. Women are so proficient at the art that an
insufficient bundle is unthinkable, but even so, avoiding a noun, they would say
siyaoma, "it's getting small."

ECONOMIC LIFE 69

OTHER ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

(Paintings Nos. 179 through 185)

179

Getting Wood

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7427 II X 14I in.

A man brings wood using a burro and an improvised pack saddle also known in
northern Mexico (komokhaiye, "wood tied"). The saddle has center and back
cinches. The man carries a staff, wears a pink shirt and green "Indian pants."

180

Stacking the Wood

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7342 II X 14^ in.

After the men bring wood to the village, the women must stack the small pieces
neatly. Longer pieces are stacked by the men in vertical "star" piles, ready for
chopping. A woman in traditional dress stacks the short pieces outside her house.
Wood is sometimes put on the roof of the house.

181

Payment to the Kiva

Marshall Lomakema

mai/hf 23/7371 18 X 24 in.

Contribution of wood to the kiva supply is a special obligation of kiva members
at Wiiwuchim, Soy along, and Powamii'a:

"The members of each kiva have to pitch in this wood so the next spring the sun gets
hot early so the crops grow quick. Every one of them has to pay to the kiva."

From this custom the painting takes its name, Kivami sisvio, "Pay to the kiva."
Other descriptions obtained were, Powamuiva kivami sisvito, "during Powamu season
to the kiva going to pay;" sisviwisa; and ima sisvito, "the two are paying." The
ceremonial imphcations of heat in the kiva were confirmed by another statement :
"Taking the wood over there, they earn the heat for the coming spring for their
fields." Whiting mentions greasewood as the chief of four ritual kiva fuels which he
cites (1950:38).

On the left a man piles wood and on the right another man carries his load of
wood using a tumpline and cane.

70 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

182

A Hopi Coal Miner

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7437 II X 14J in.

The deposits at Coal Canyon supply a fairly effective but smoky means of heating
houses during the winter nights. In the painting the coal miner has adapted clothing
suitable to his temporary occupation: bib coveralls, work shoes, and even a miner's
cap. He employs a pick to break pieces of the coal out of the beds. He has brought
a five gallon can along as well as a bag for the fuel. Mattocks are sometimes used
as tools ; the true pick bears a name, chochovikyangwo, which refers to its similarity
in shape to the horns worn by clowns on their headdress. Although there is a Coal
Kachina (Colton 1951 :73), Uttle ceremoniaUsm appears now to be connected with the
mining of coal, but older men may offer prayer feathers "to the coal."

183

Trade with the Navajo

Arlo Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7476 II X 14 J in.

The Navajo want melons, piki bread, and other Hopi specialties and staples, while
the Hopi like Navajo rugs, mutton, pinon nuts, and certain herbs. Here a melon is
being bartered for lamb .

184

Women Making Pottery Bowls

Arlo Nuvayouma
mai/hf 23/7558 II X 14I in.

Although pottery is not made at Shongopovi today, it was until about 1900. As at
other pueblos, women worked together with girls helping. Data were obtained from
a woman who had helped her grandmother as a girl, but the artist depicts pottery
making as it is done at Polacca, Arizona. A variety of vessels are shown: a bowl,
kiva bowl, and wedding vase.

185

Sheep Shearing

Melvin Nuvayouma

mai/hf 23/7483 II X 14 J in.

Wool for weaving or exchange is obtained by two men. Many Hopi families have
sheep and the former location of the village below the mesa contains several ruins
used as sheep corrals or camps.

REINTERVIEW 71

Reinterview

When the series of paintings had grown to 106, the interest and cooperation of
Miss Ingrid Helms, a professional photographer from Hamburg, Germany, resulted in
the production of some 70 sUdes which were used for reinterview. Each of the original
three artists and other informants was able to examine and comment upon the entire
series of paintings and especially certain early pictures which were available on
slides. A portable viewer was used. Three interviews took place in Phoenix,
three at Grand Canyon, Arizona, and four at Shongopovi. Including wives, twelve
people examined the paintings. At three interviews a man and his wife were present.
Six men were interviewed alone; in two cases a father and son were interviewed
separately. Protest by the artists against further showing of the paintings to villagers
will probably limit the utiHty of the slides for reinterview in the future, but no
restrictions have been placed upon showing the sHdes to Whites.

Each of the persons commenting upon the sUdes was a resident of Shongopovi.
With one exception they are members of different clans, though they may include
members of clans within a given phratry. An average of five responses to each
picture resulted, some pictures provoking considerably more interest than others.
Two well-known Hopi artists and one other man offered artistic criticism of the
paintings as well as discussion of the subjects. Among those informants were members
of several religious societies.

By the time each artist had identified his own paintings and those of the other
artists, enough Hopi terms had been recorded so that the typical responses in Hopi
could be readily identified. All those who saw the paintings speak EngHsh with
degrees of skill ranging from hterate fluency to a man who has had little formal
education. Hopi descriptions of the paintings were requested as far as possible.
"How would you call this one in Hopi ?" was a typical question which elicited simple
verb forms or occasionally simple phrases. The viewers' knowledge that I do not speak
Hopi seemed to limit longer story-length explanations, but I think these could be
obtained on tape. I did not try to make the interviews completety formal, since I
had known some of the people for years. In several cases older people joked to
indicate complete familiarity with the subject, describing the Stone Eating Kachina,
for example, as a "Rock Crusher." There are many such standing jokes which form a
part of an EngHsh dialect dealing with native foods, practices, and beUefs. If these
are later used in conversations with informants, they are usually found to be famihar
to all. Yoimger men seemed more eager to provide detailed data, probably to indicate
their familiarity with traditional Hfe. Since I had met one of the younger men when
he was eight years old, this desire was understandable. Nevertheless, the older men
provided many significant interpretations. Conversation in Hopi between viewers
provided a few additional terms which I was able to note.

The artists had already come under some criticism, which had not been mentioned
to me, so that the hypercritical attitude of some of the viewers is perhaps explained.
Discussion with the second artist over the advisability of showing the shdes to
villagers were accompanied by a decision to end the series on May 5, 1965. In view of
this artist's increasing ambivalence, I felt it would be best for him to cease painting
under direction. Illness of his children on two occasions and a minor car accident no

72 RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

doubt increased his uncertainty regarding his original decision, for such mishaps are
usually interpreted as the result of taboo violation. The second artist was reported
to be annoyed by my decision to show the slides at the village and worried by the
effects of possible pubHcation. Books have caused a notable reaction in two cases
especially: The Truth of a Hopi (Nequatewa 1936) and The Book of the Hopi (Waters
1963). As existing grant funds were exhausted, the project was formally ended. It
remained likely that a few additional paintings would be produced, but resistance
to the recessary accompanying interview had increased. The first of the three original
artists had continued to paint, selling his work at a reservation trading post and
to visitors, while each of the other two artists has entertained similar thoughts.

Certain paintings aroused more comment than others. The women's clown chorus
is a subject which to my knowledge had not been previously painted, although it is
not secret. The naming of a newborn child was correctly identified by all viewers.
Kachina Dancers at Rest provoked two negative responses because the subject is
disapproved. Borrowing Coals for Laying a Fire provoked variant interpretations
because the subject is unfamiliar to younger viewers. One of the eagle hunt pictures
was identified with interest by all viewers. Kachina pictures, which have been permit-
ted and encouraged as a genre, were identified with interest. Celebrating Christmas,
Children with Bean Dance Presents, and Two Kachinas and a Hopi Policeman all
represent subjects which aroused interesting comment. Planting the Beans in-
fringes upon Bean Dance secrecy. Five informants claimed not to recognize the
scene, specif5dng artistic ambiguity, but two spotted it immediately. The second
of the Owl Legend paintings. The Mother's Warning, was recognized instantly;
another slide showing only the mother and the crying baby provoked no significant
responses.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
LIFE CYCLE AND GENERAL RITUAL LIFE

Birth and Early Child Care

1. A Prenatal Examination by a Hopi Doctor

2. Naming the Baby

3. Washing the Baby with Ashes

4. A Boy's First Haircut

Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Childhood

5. A Scene from Hopi Family Life

6. Children on the Family Burro

7. Disciplining a Child by Water-pouring

8. A Boy's Offering to Soyoko

9. Bathing at the Spring for Long Life

10. Girls Bathe at the Spring

11. Boys Practicing Archer}^ Skills

12. Playing with Tops

13. Three Hunters and Two Fires

14. Initiating the Young Hunter

15. A Boy's First Rabbit Hunt

16. Ritual Hair Washing: The Naming Rite of a Hunter

17. Hopi Children Playing at Adult Tasks

18. Offering the First Basket to the Sun

19. A Harvest Game: Smearing Corn Smut

20. A Hopi Mother Dresses her Daughter's Hair

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Leroy Kewanyama
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Youth, Courtship and Marriage

21. Yahaha, a Snake Dance Game

22. Grappling for a Watermelon

23. Racing for a Basket

24. A Hopi Couple

25. Dressing the Bride

26. Grinding the Corn for the Wedding Ceremony

27. The Mock Mud Fight at the Wedding Festivities

28. A Hopi Wedding Feast

29. Clan Marks Painted on the Wedding House

Narron Lomayaktewa

Leroy Kewanyama

Arlo Nuvayouma

Narron Lomayktewa

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

Daily Life

30. A Women's Barter Party

31. Food Trading

32. A Woman Drying Peaches

33. Building a House

34. Washing the Walls

35. Repairing or Renewing a House

36. A Family Feast

37. Borrowing Coals for Laying a Fire

38. Divorce

39. Fighting Over a Hoe

40. Family Meeting

41. An Old Man Visits the Doctor

42. A Seriously 111 Patient is Visited by the Doctor

43. Landscape : The Hopi Country

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma

Melvin Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Social Change

44. The Family Buys a Television Set

45. Celebrating Christmas

46. "Water Filling"

Arlo Nuvayouma
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema

RITUAL LIFE

Ceremonial Activities

47. Clan Symbols

48. The Ritual Smoking of Chiefs

49. Making Prayer Feathers

50. Giving Prayer Feathers

51. Sun Watching (Tawangaoktaita)

52. Two Boys at a Shrine

53. Young Men at the Shrine

54. Invoking Animal Fetishes

55. Hopi Warriors Hiding

56. The Flute Ceremony: Obtaining Ritual Water

57. Bear Clan Racer

58. Bear Clan Race

59. Oaqol Mana Throwing Darts

60. Prayer Sticks at a Snake Dance

61. Men Smoking and Exchanging Kiva Terms

Marshall Lomakema

Narron Lomayaktewa

Marshall Lomakema

Leroy Kewanyama

Arlo Nuvayouma

Leroy Kewanyama

Narron Lomayaktewa

Marshall Lomakema

The Eagle Cult

62. Three Men Smoking at the Shrine

63. Lowering a Cloth on the Eagle

64. Catching the Eagle

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

65. A Hunter Being Lowered to the Nest

66. A Captive Eagle

67. Naming an Eagle

68. Eagles with Gifts

69. The Execution of an Eagle

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma

The Salt Journey

70. A Salt Expedition: Gift for an Aunt

71. Smoking over the Gift of Salt

Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema

More Important Ceremonies

72. Mask Making

73. Eating for the Mask

74. Masks on the Kiva Ledge

75. Kachina Dancers at Rest

76. Planting the Beans

The Kachina Cult

yy. Kiva Chief and Kachina Exchanging Gifts
y%. Ritual Feeding of Participants

79. Dance Practice Scene

80. Borrowing for the Dance

81. A Kachina Pouring Water

82. A Man and a Kachina Racing

83. Whipping for Curing

84. Ritual Blessing of a House

85. Two Kachinas and a Hopi Policeman

86. Burro Kachina Dance
%y. The Mudhead Magician

88. Wolf and Cow Kachinas

89. Corn Kachina and Mudhead Kachina

90. Com Kachina Dance at Easter Time

91. Corn Kachina

92. Owl and Rattle Kachinas

93. Gathering Evergreens

94. Cleaning the Ash Pit

95. Kachinas Resting Sweet Corn

96. Qoqlom Dancing with Sweet Com

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Leroy Kewanyama

Marshall Lomakema

Narron Lomayaktewa

Melvin Nuvayouma

Arlo Nuvayouma

Unmasked (Social) Dances

97. Buffalo Dance

98. Unmasked Elk Dance

99. Laguna Eagle Dance
100. Butterfly Dance

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

A Hopi Legend : The Boy who Became an Owl

loi. The Boy Misbehaves

102. The Mother's Warning

103. Getting on the Owl's Back

104. Changing into Owl

105. The Mourning Parents

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

CLOWNING

106. Arrival of the Clowns

107. A Mudhead Game Scene

108. Feeding a Clown

109. Three White Man's Clowns
no. A Women's Chorus of Clowns

111. Clowns Feeding a White Spectator

112. Clowns Performing a Bullfight

113. A Clown Imitating an Ogre Woman

114. The Clowns Imitate Kachinas

115. Piftukas or Imitator Clowns

116. Imitator Kachina and Clowns

117. Clowns Building a House

Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Narron Lomayaktewa
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema

CURING

Home Cure

118. A Man Treating His Wife's Eye Disease

119. Taking Snake Dance Stomach Medicine

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Causes of Serious Illness

120. The Dreaded Toalong

121. Curing an Old Man of the Effects of a Witch Bundle

122. Behavior Toward a Suspected Witch

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

The Medicine Man (Povoska)

123. A Husband Accompanies His Wife

124. Using a Crystal and Fetishes to Locate Illness

125. The Patient is Seated on an Adobe Platform

126. Diagnosis for Internal Illness

127. The Medicine Man "Consults His Animals"

128. A Ritual Offering

129. The Doctor Treats a Sick Baby

130. Shock Treatment for Mental Illness

131. The Doctor Offers Sacred Cornmeal to his Patient

132. Ants are Removed by Sleight-of-Hand

Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Leroy Kewanyama

Marshall Lomakema

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

133. A Woman Doctor Treating Cloud Eye (Keratitis)

134. Treatment of a Skin Ulcer

Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema

The Bone Doctor (Okatihikya)

135. A Bone Doctor Treats a Dislocated Neck

136. A Bone Doctor Treats a Dislocated Neck

137. Treatment of Muscle Spasm or Rib Dislocation

138. Treatment of Muscle Spasms or Dislocation of Ribs

139. Treatment for a Dislocated Hip

140. A Husband Assists the Bone Doctor

141. A Child's Arm is Treated

142. The Doctor Locates a Pain in the Patient's Back

Arlo Nuvayouma
Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma
Marshall Lomakema
Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma
Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayou/ma

Payment of Fees

143. Paying a Medicine Man's Retainer

144. A Final Payment to the Doctor

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

ECONOMIC LIFE

Crops

145 . Loading the Peaches

146. Getting Peaches

147. Hauling Peaches

148. Drying Peaches

149. Harvesting Beans

150. A Farmer Gathering Gourds

151. Gathering Gourds

152. Gathering Melons for Yahaha

153. Planting the Fields

154. Sprinkling the Fields

155. Women Storing Com

156. ShelUng Corn

157. Drying Com Kernels

158. Parching Corn

159. An Old Lady Grinding Com and Singing

160. Women Grinding Corn

161. Making Pikami

Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Melvin Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Melvin Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Making a Piki Stone

162. Getting the Piki Stone

163. Smoothing the Piki Stone

164. Putting Pitch on the Stone

165. Testing the Stone

166. Women Making Piki

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Melvin Nuvayouma

78
Hunting

RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

167. Hunting Rabbits

168. Rabbit Hunt

169. "Together Hunt"

170. Feeding the Hunter's Family

171. Offering Corn Pollen to the Slain Deer

172. Dressing the Slain Deer in Ceremonial Garments

173. Trapping Birds

Basket Making

174. Gathering Yucca

175. Splitting the Yucca

176. Drying Yucca Strips

177. Dyeing

178. Making a Basket

Other Economic Activities

179. Getting Wood

180. Stacking the Wood

181. Payment to the Kiva

182. A Hopi Coal Miner

183. Trade with the Navajo

184. Women Making Pottery Bowls

185. Sheep Shearing

Melvin Nuvayouma

Leroy Kewanyama

Marshall Lomakema

Arlo Nuvayouma

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma
Arlo Nuvayouma

Melvin Nuvayouma

COLOR PLATES

I. Com Kachina and Mudhead Kachina (frontispiece)
IL The Ritual Smoking of Chiefs ( # 48)
in. Young Men at the Shrine ( # 53)
IV. Gathering Evergreens ( # 93)
V. Treatment for a Dislocated Hip ( # 139)

Leroy Kewanyama

Marshall Lomakema

Narron Lomayaktewa

Arlo Nuvayouma

Marshall Lomakema

BIBLIOGRAPHY

References in the text have been kept to a minimum. The reader will find an
excellent bibliography on the Hopi in Frederick J. Dockstader, The Kachina and
the White Man (1954). For the present study the following are most relevant:

Life Histories

QOYAWAYMA, POLINGAYSI

1964 No Turning Back: A True Account of a Hopi Indian Girl's Struggle to
Bridge the Gap Between the World of Her People and the World of the
White Man. As told to Vada F.Carlson. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press. i8opp.

A modem Hopi woman's life.

Simmons, Leo

1942 Sun Chief. Cambridge: Yale University Press. 460pp.

A major work containing a deep insight into Hopi cultural values despite the fact
that many Hopi point out that it is not t5^ical of all Hopi.

Udall, Louise

1969 Me and Mine, the Life Story of Helen Sekaquaptewa. Tucson: University
of Arizona Press. 260pp.

The story of a woman who rejected some but not all Hopi cultural values and
brought her children up in the modem world.

General

Beaglehole, Ernest and Pearl Beaglehole

1935 Hopi of the Second Mesa. American Anthropological Association, Memoir
No. 44. 65pp.

Basic ethnographic data which includes the village whose life is depicted in the
paintings.

CoLTON, Harold S.

1949 Hopi Kachina Dolls. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
150pp.

Designed to identify kachina dolls ; the most convenient reference for kachina types
as well.

8o RITUAL IN PUEBLO ART

CoLTON, Mary-Russell Ferrell

1965 Hofi Dyes. Flagstaff: Museum of Northern Arizona, Bulletin No. 41.
87pp.

Detailed recipes for dye preparation for basketry materials and other purposes.
DOCKSTADER, FREDERICK J.

1954 The Kachina and the White Man; the Influences of the White Man on
the Hopi Indian Kachina Religion. Cranbrook Institute of Science, Bul-
letin No. 35. 204pp.

A great deal of material on the history and significance of the Kachina Cult; contains
a brief history of the Hopi.

Dunn, Dorothy

1968 American Indian Painting of the Southwest and Plains Area. Albuquerque :
University of New Mexico Press. 429pp.

Indian painting considered as art but in proper relation to tribal origin. Several
Hopi artists are discussed.

Earle, Edwin and E. A. Kennard

1938 HopiKachinas. New York: J. J. Augustin. 40pp., illus. Revised ed., 1970.

Twenty-eight kachina dancers depicted by Edwin Earle with text by Kennard.

Egg AN, Fred

1950 Social Organization of the Western Pueblos. Chicago : University of Chicago
Press. 373PP-

Social organization of the Hopi considered in relation to that of the westernmost
Pueblos of New Mexico.

Fewkes, Jesse Walter

1903 Hopi Katcinas, Drawn by Native Artists. Bureau of American Ethnolo-
gy, Annual Report No. 21. 190pp., illus.

Containing the famous Codex Hopiensis, this classic study was one of the in-
fluences which prompted the present volume.

Goldfrank, Esther S.

1967 The Artist of "Isleta Paintings." Washington: Smithsonian Contributions
to Anthropology, Vol. V. 227pp., iUus,

A follow-up study, summarizing Parsons' Isleta Paintings, with additional data on
the history of those works and the man who painted them.

Nequatewa, Edmund

1936 Truth of a Hopi and Other Clan Stories of Shungopovi. Flagstaff: North-
em Arizona Museum Notes, Vol. Ill, No. 9. 114pp.

Stories which many Hopi tried to suppress as secret.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 8l

Parsons, Elsie Clews

1962 Isleta Paintings. Esther S. Goldfrank, (Ed.). Bureau of American Ethnolo-
gy, Bulletin No. 181. 300pp.

The other book which influenced this study; a unique record of Pueblo ceremonies
and life by an Isleta man who broke with tradition.

Parsons, Elsie Clews

1939 Pueblo Indian Religion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 2 vols.

The major work on Pueblo Indian religion.

Simpson, Ruth de Ette

1953 The Hopi Indians. Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, Leaflet No. 25.
91pp.

A good basic treatment of Hopi life which might well be read in connection with
Ritual in Pueblo Art.

Snodgrass, Jeanne O.

1968 American Indian Painters; a Biographical Directory. New York: Museum
of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. Contributions Vol. XXI,
Part I. 269pp.

A reference volume with sketches of the lives and careers of 1,187 Indian artists.

Stephen, Alexander M.

1936 Hopi Journal. Elsie C. Parsons (Ed.). Columbia University Contributions
to Anthropology, Vol. 23. 2 vols.

The most detailed record of Hopi ceremonies and daily life. Contains many references
which corroborate the data supplied by the artists with their paintings.

Tanner, Clara Lee

1957 Southwest Indian Painting. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 157pp.

Describes Indian painting as art and includes illustrations of the work of some of
the best known Hopi artists which may be compared with the present illustrations.

Voegelin, Charles F. and Florence M. Voegelin

1957 Hopi Domains. International Journal of American Linguistics, Memoir
No. 14. 82pp.

Renders Hopi phonemically; the standard authority for the linguistically-correct
spelling of Hopi words. Is in sharp contrast to the phonetic translations of field
workers.

Whiting, Alfred H.

1939 Ethnobotany of the Hopi. Flagstaff: Museum of Northern Arizona, Bul-
letin No. 15. I20pp.

Contains many very valuable references to Hopi ceremonial life and customs. A
book with greater breadth than the title would indicate.

PLATES

FIGURES I. 2

FIGURES 3, 4

FIGURES 5, 6

FIGURE 7

FIGURE 8

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FIGURES 15, 16

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FIGURES 37, 38

FIGURES 39, 40

FIGURES 41, 4:

FIGURES 43, 44

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FIGURES 45, 46

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FIGURES 47, 48

FIGURES 49, 50

FIGURES 51, 52

FIGURES 53, 54

FIGURES 55, 56

FIGURE 57

FIGURES 58, 59

FIGURE 60

FIGURES 6 I, 62

FIGURE 63

FIGURE 64

FIGURES 65, 66

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FIGURES 67, 68

FIGURE 69

FIGURE 70

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FIGURES 71, 72

FIGURES 73, 74

FIGURES 75, 71

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FIGURES 77, 78

FIGURES 79, 80

FIGURE SI

FIGURE

FIGURE 83

FIGURES 84, 85

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FIGURE 87

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FIGURE 89

FIGURE 90

FIGURE 91

FIGURES 92, 93

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FIGURES g6, 97

FIGURES 95, 99

FIGURES lOO, lOI

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101

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105

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FIGURES 109, I 10

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FIGURES III, 112

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112

FIGURES 113, 114

113

FIGURES 115, 116

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FIGURES 1 17, I 18

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FIGURES 119, 120

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^mim

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FIGURE 125

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FIGURE 126

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FIGURES 127, I2J

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FIGURES 147, I,

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§ .3^* if **

154

FIGURES 155, 156

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FIGURES l6l, 162

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FIGURES 163, 164

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FIGURES 173, 174

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